• Home
  • About Jonathan
  • Essay
  • Fiction
    • Rant
  • Memoir
  • A House Divided, Full of Secrets: Kid Lit., Conspiracies and the Bohemian Club

Ghosts of Anti-Fascism Past

~ Essays. Memoirs. Rants.

Ghosts of Anti-Fascism Past

Category Archives: Essay

Ghosts of Anti-Fascism Past

20 Friday Oct 2017

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

anti-fascism, antifa, fascism, Trump

I am half out of my chair, wagging a finger at a rumpled comrade across the conference table. He is mouthing yet another misbegotten argument. But, before I can lob a verbal hand grenade his way, my erstwhile rival employs a bit of misdirection, using a card trick to illustrate how ‘false populists’ dupe the unwitting into acting against their own interests. The slight of hand lards a meandering presentation, something about fighting extremism but accepting ‘real’ grievances, supporting tolerance and diversity but rejecting hate and privilege, and is taken by many in attendance to be the summit of human wisdom on the topic at hand, which is fascism. I want to throw something—or throw up. It is about 1995, somewhere in the United States (really anywhere will do) and a dear friend and mentor is quietly urging me to stop wagging my finger.

“Sit down!” He says.

“Fold your hands into your lap and let him speak…then pull it apart, piece by piece.”

Then, he whispers, “Omne trium perfectum. Tell them what you are going to tell them. Tell them. Tell them what you just told them.”

Huh.

Good advice when you are proposing ideas that break with accepted conventions; excellent advice if your emotions drive your intellect in the manner of a soap box orator. Throughout this gathering, held among fight-the-right activists from around the country, I try my best. But my best is not enough. My ideas don’t carry the day.

It is now some 20 years later and I’m not half out of my chair, nor am I standing on it. I’m throwing it—perhaps at you.

I am a ghost of anti-fascism past.

A restless spirit from history; a chair flying past your ear.

While I am not so arrogant to claim that if my ideas had carried the day then we wouldn’t be faced with a President Trump today, I am brash enough to state that the ideas which did carry the day during that gathering also failed to do as much.

Perhaps I can jog a memory that will cause you to shift uncomfortably in your chair. Am I mocking yet another premature obituary of the Christian right? Am I insisting that anti-fascists confront white nationalists on their own terrain? Am I noting how fascism can shape-shift and thereby ensure its enduring political relevance? Am I pounding my fist on the table, demanding foundations fund Antifa spy-craft instead of yet another conference on privilege? I hope the outline of my silhouette makes you a bit uneasy. But, behind every posthumous revenge lurks a pyrrhic victory. I am a ghost, after all, with nothing left of me but these words in the digital ether.

Don Hammerquist, in his valuable booklet Fascism & Anti-Fascism opens with the self-effacing statement:

“Feel free to shoot down any part of the argument, but remember that on the major points, validity isn’t ultimately a scholastic matter, but an issue that will be determined and ‘decided’ in struggle.” True enough. Feel free to attack what I write, too. However, keep in mind another dictum coined by C.L.R James on the same topic:

“A correct orientation does not mean victory. Incorrect orientations so glaringly false lead to certain defeat.” (The World Revolution 1917-1936, Chapter 12 “After Hitler, Our Turn”) The title of that chapter should be familiar to you, likewise the singular importance of its lesson.

With that in mind, here’s what I’m going to tell you, in three parts, naturally.

What you consider helpful in answering the age-old question ‘What is fascism?’ has probably been so inept as to invite that riposte rooted in mathematics: it is so bad it doesn’t even qualify as wrong. When trying to grasp the nature of fascism many radicals lean heavily on the tortured language of ‘populism’ and end up talking about choo-choo trains. Likewise, many socialists will suddenly morph into economic nationalists and start furiously digging analytical rabbit holes, reinforcing them with a maze of mirrors where we watch each other shadow box. It can be confusing. So, you probably don’t understand what fascism was, much less what it has become. Oh, I know. Who does? Even Nate Silver, that oracle of political prognostication, seemed shocked to find himself saying the words “white nationalism” on a podcast in the summer of 2016 when, had he understood the implications of what he was saying, it could have made a difference. But no matter, revolutionaries shouldn’t expect much from oracles. In any case, even back then it was clear that while the paleo-conservatives had successfully reinvented themselves as the alt-right through audacious counterintelligence initiatives such as the Acorn sting engineered by The Drudge Report, the salacious faux news of Brietbart, the white identitarian antics of Milos Yananoupoulis and the hacked Leninism of Steve Bannon, the progressive and socialist left were busy holding hands, examining and cross-examining their ‘privileges’ or feeling around for a phantom limb that had been amputated by the Democratic party. Meanwhile, much of the socialist left, including comrades at the International Socialist Organization (ISO) offered up wholly derivative, second rate accounts of fascism, forcing the tired bones of comrade Trotsky to carry their water, his petrified frame long ago having collapsed from the strain. But fascism is not a holdover from the past–a ‘basket of deplorables’ as some inept politician once remarked–nor ignorant hicks who clutch onto their God and guns because they fear being left behind. Fascism appears today as a tendency within our political and cultural age and offers itself as an exit strategy from the unsolvable contradictions of our present regimes of accumulation. It is thoroughly modern, or post-modern, if you insist. As white Christian nationalism it vies for supremacy within and between contemporary social classes throughout Europe and North America, where it has a political geography. That’s why Trump chose Pence as his running mate. It is real. It has always been with us. It is here, now and is both similar to, yet different from, ‘fascisms’ from previous eras. While this new fascism comes from the same family tree as its immediate predecessor, cold war fascism, and its antecedent, classical fascism, in important respects it differs from them, too. Getting that overlap and divergence correct is important. The Tea Party rebellion was the bridge between the end of cold war fascism and the beginning of 21st century fascism; of the transformation of the paleoconservative right—always the incubator of fascism in the United States—into the Alt-Right.

If you don’t know what fascism is, you will probably have a hard time fighting it effectively—even if you somehow arrive at the conclusion that it should be fought. Following the victory of Trump, liberals and progressives are leaping to join ‘the resistance’. But their methods follow their theory: fascism is something that comes from outside, not a tendency within our political culture. Their current obsession with Putin is a reflection of their diluted nationalism—what Albert Einstein called the “measles of humanity” that some Democrats offer as an alternative to the much more powerful Spanish Influenza on offer by Republicans. These “I’m With Her Anti-Fascists” who want Trump ridden out of town on a rail—preferably by the cowboys of the ‘Deep State’—should make any radical uncomfortable. But at least they recognize the existence of that political tendency, though their understanding of it is fatally flawed and their methods for confronting it a double-edged sword. On the other hand, for those of us from socialist, anarchist and communist traditions, it can be a bit disorienting to see an avowedly socialist journal such as Jacobin spend nearly seven years effectively arguing against the existence of, much less the need to fight, fascism. And that editorial line, that fighting the right amounts to nothing but the ‘anti-fascism of fools’ and support for ‘lesser evilism’, is pervasive amongst many radicals. With a redefinition of fascism along the lines I suggest, we might better retool our collective resistance to fascists and capitalists and carve out some space for emancipatory struggles. I am still waiting for long overdue mea culpas from socialists with integrity on this question.

Lastly, there can be no effective, comprehensive and permanent solution to the recurring problem of fascism without a revolutionary socialist project. The anti-fascist struggle is an indispensable crucible for revolutionary socialists, anarchists and communists–or should be. This understanding of fascism is informed by a theoretical framework rooted within a revolutionary left tradition—but one that is frequently overlooked, dismissed and denigrated by patrician socialists. A key insight into the nature of the kind of fascism we face today can be grasped by looking at the nuanced relationship that often exists between the far right and more traditionally conservative power centers. That relationship has long been a matter of fierce debate. What I will argue is that fascism has always been a constitutive part of capitalism, even when in opposition to it, but that that relationship is contested, a ‘semi-permeable membrane’ in the words of Leonard Zeskind. What all this means is that capitalist democracies will not and, more importantly, cannot decisively defeat fascism; they share too much in common with it. As revolutionary socialists, anarchists and communists we recognize this inescapable fact of our current predicament: Our mortal enemy is fascism. It cannot be decisively defeated without us and we should be preparing for the sacrifices necessary for the successful prosecution of that struggle. If need be, we will come back from the grave to kick its sorry ass back down the street.

In order to assert a new definition of fascism, theorize a contemporary movement against it and do so within the revolutionary socialist tradition (to restate what I am going to tell you) a note on who I am, is perhaps in order.

I’ve always been somewhat of a ‘bad school boy’—a peculiar revolutionary, perhaps even a walking contradiction: an insolent socialist who questions the centrality of workers to the democratic revolution; an anarchist in a suit who eschews affinity groups and consensus; a communist who refuses to join a communist party. But I wouldn’t have it any other way, for from each there is the possibility of a world outside the tyranny of the market, of work and of bosses, of violence, exploitation and domination. But, if our dreams and desires are dismissed as the daydreams of the naive and therefore nightmares for everyone else, (what used to be called ‘utopianism’, now ‘aspirationalism’ in current parlance) our future will be frozen within a capitalist democracy that will forever fail to be a democratic capitalism, thereby engendering the eternal return of fascist reaction. There the radical coreligionist dreams of a democratic socialism, an emancipatory anarchism and a communism of the commons will break our teeth and souls on the rocks of racism, nationalism and war. Now, facing a rising tide and ferocious surf of neofascism, it is imperative that we consider the following proposition at the heart of my dispatch from the past: Perhaps the unfinished Antifascist Revolution can bring together these warring siblings and deliver us from our current impasse.

That’s what the Antifa means to me.

What keeps me up at night, however, is quite different. In forthcoming dispatches I will expand upon the following themes.

  • The Sunkara Trap—There is little doubt that the most influential forum for socialist thought in the United States is the journal and blog called Jacobin. Founded in 2011 by its editor, Bhaskar Sunkara, Jacobin has played a foundational role in the welcome revival of socialist politics. So it should come as no surprise that within its pages, hidden in plain view, is the best articulated reason why the left shit the bed so completely in the run up to Donald Trump’s election to the U.S. presidency. Today Jacobin continues to refuse even the decency of a bedpan. Sunkara’s 2011 polemic, “A Thousand Platitudes: Liberal Hysteria and the Tea Party” argues that the best way for socialists to fight fascism is by channeling one’s inner Alexander Cockburn. That editorial line has been unceasing, sans any mea culpas, for going on seven years. It is disgraceful.
  • Leonard Zeskind’s Baloney—Wherein the most important anti-fascist thinker and activist in living memory gets awarded a genius grant from the MacArthur Foundation, then no one bothers to read his book Blood and Politics: The History of the White Nationalist Movement, much less follow the fervent, yet often funny, exhortations contained within it. Lenny’s singular contributions have largely been misunderstood and unheeded. I will endeavor to rescue what I consider to be his most important insights, even when I disagree with them. That he has managed to say more about white nationalism and fascism through a fanciful exploration of the invention of baloney is perhaps indicative of the low standards to which the question of fascism has been treated by the left.
  • The Political Geography of Fascism— A unique European and North American political phenomenon. Fascism has always had readily identifiable borders—physical, juridical and military and a white identity, and therefore racialized other, constructed around it.
  • Shibboleths—The central shibboleth for the anti-racist left is that ‘race is a social construct’. Once this is noted, get busy organizing a union. But, as Barbara Fields notes in Race Craft: The Soul of Inequality In American Life, it too often serves as a beginning and endpoint for discussion, thereby obscuring the endurance of racecraft, or how racism helps reproduce inequality. For liberals, the problem of racism and fascism is couched in the shibboleths of diversity, tolerance and being opposed to hate. Contemporary anti-fascism should demand more from its adherents.
  • A Definition, Not A Laundry List— From its earliest origins in the pitched street battles in Italy, fascism has had a seemingly contradictory history. Is it of the right or left? Is the most important question still whether fascism is a revolutionary or counterrevolutionary movement? What about fascism as a movement vs. fascism as a regime? Does fascism have a clear ideology, or is syncretism its hallmark? Is it a form of capitalist rule, or does it represent a movement outside of and opposed to capitalist rule? Is anti-Semitism a necessary ingredient in the fascist repertoire? Does fascism represent an intensification of racism and nationalism, or is it a different form of these ideologies? Does fascism only develop in opposition to an insurgent left? Indeed, the contributors to the Wikipedia entry on “Definitions of Fascism” seemingly throw up their hands: “What constitutes a definition of fascism and fascist governments is a highly disputed subject that has proven complicated and contentious. Historians, political scientists, and other scholars have engaged in long and furious debates concerning the exact nature of fascism and its core tenets.” (retrieved April 21, 2017). Any useful definition of fascism should identify the necessary ingredients that are required for a noxious stew to be called fascist, yet it must exclude those ingredients, or any combination thereof, that would make it something else.
  • The MARS Motor— Wherein the Cold War-era sociologist Donald I. Warren in his book The Radical Center: Middle Americans and the Politics of Alienation, coins the term “Middle American Radicals”. Warren sought to capture the post civil rights era development of a self-consciously white dispossessed majority that saw itself caught between a cosmopolitan elite above and the poor, swarthy masses below. Unwittingly, Warren identified the signature double movement—fighting above and below—that needs to be present for something to rise to the threshold of being called fascist. I call it the ‘MARS Motor’ and when it is engaged fascists are on the move. It is the missing ingredient in most definitions of fascism. For, even when there is racist nationalism, militant storm troopers on the street and anti-Semitism functioning as a catalyst; when seemingly everything necessary and essential for something to be called fascist appears to be present, that particular constellation of forces will not be sufficient for it to be called fascist. The motor must kick in, otherwise it is garden variety right wing reaction, or even a particularly aggressive form of neoliberalism. Warren’s unit of analysis also foregrounds the importance of social class to any cogent definition of fascism without reducing it to an epiphenomenon–the proverbial tail wagging the dog as with so much scholarship that employs categories such as ‘petis bourgeoisie’, ‘downwardly mobile white working class’, or ‘finance capital’.
  • Periodizing Fascism—Over the near century of its existence we can identify three major phases of fascist development–Classical, (1923–1945) Cold War (1945–1991) and 21st Century (2001—present). The gap between 1991 and 2001 is an interregnum. It would be useful to take a page from Regis Debray’s 2007 New Left Review article “Socialism: A Life Cycle” and map fascism along similar lines.
  • Positive Patriotism, Negative Nationalism—The ‘populism’ of the Pink Tide is not exportable to the capitalist core, where it must contend with a political geography of white nationalism. In other words, there is no positive patriotism possible here or in Europe without negative nationalism. Witness the limits of celebrity atheletes refusing to pledge allegience. Podemos and La France Insoumise, Laclau and Mouffe, Corbynites and Democratic Socialists of America all essentially trade the Internationale for the Tricolor with predictable results: fascism continues its long march through the institutions that constitute its natural habitat.
  • Fascism and the Zombie Horde—No, no, no. The zombies are us. They are always us. From George Romero’s Night of the Living Dead to the most complete expression of the zombie horror sub genre, World War Z, the zombies are us—its what happens to everyone who tries to exist outside of market relations—you die.
  • Populism Here, Populism There, Populism Everywhere—Toss that fetid word-salad into the garbage. Originally mixed by cold war-era sociologists and political scientists, the term ‘populism’ is what you get when you no longer believe in a subject called ‘the people’. It refers to everything, therefore can explain nothing and has its utility limited to telling us something about the political baggage of who is using the term rather than anything about any referent it claims to denote.
  • GOT Und Uber—How one cultural touchstone, the blood and soil soap opera, Game of Thrones and an economic one, the global ride share behemoth Uber, prefigure the rise of Donald Trump.

END

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...

Saints Without Miracles

01 Friday May 2015

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

≈ Leave a comment

Saints Without Miracles

The late Catholic Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero is rightly remembered as a courageous man of faith who broke with, then stood up to, the El Salvadoran elite.

Then he was murdered by them.

Roberto D’Aubuisson, the army major and oligarchy favorite known by the stomach-churning nickname “Blowtorch Bob” is said to have given the order for Romero’s March 24, 1980 assassination. Romero was shot to death as he was giving a sermon in a small chapel in San Salvador. Only days before his murder he had delivered a radio address beseeching Salvadoran soldiers to disobey immoral orders from their commanders—especially orders to kill civilians. That the Catholic Church hierarchy disregarded Romero’s pleas on behalf of the persecuted is well known.

Which brings to mind another courageous figure from El Salvador’s history who was cut down by his own: the communist poet Roque Dalton, whose assassination at the hands of fellow comrades took place forty years ago this month. Perhaps best known for the quote: “Poetry, like bread, is for everyone” Dalton was a larger than life poet/revolutionary who escaped a death sentence while in prison not once, but twice: the first time in the early 1960s when a coup d’etat freed him and the second time in 1965 when an earthquake destroyed the walls of his prison cell on the eve of his scheduled execution.

The legacies of Oscar Romero and Roque Dalton are linked by something other than mere geography. Their legacies are now contested by the very institutions that shaped  their respective histories–for better and for worse.

And, in their own ways, they are both saints.

Romero 2

In a sign that many regard as heralding a new, more progressive Catholic Church under Pope Francis, Romero is to be beatified this coming May 23, 2015. But beatification—an important step towards sainthood within the Catholic Church—comes at a price. In some respects this is the same church hierarchy that abandoned Romero and other priests and lay people to the tender mercies of dictatorship that now seeks to claim his legacy as its own.

The legacy of Romero has long served as a touchstone for conflicts between factions within the Catholic church—between it’s right wing (pro-free market traditionalists) and left wing (followers of Vatican II and Liberation Theology) and even it’s ‘North’ and ‘South’. The sainthood process of Archbishop Romero illuminates, and may sharpen, these conflicts. And there is no-one more at the center of this conflict than Pope Francis himself.

Romero was declared a “Servant of God” by Pope John Paul II as long ago as 1997, initiating the sainthood process. There was plenty of opposition to that step from right wing Catholics. Under Pope Francis a Vatican commission established that Romero died in odium fidei, or because of “hatred of the faith”, clearing the way for him to be declared a “martyr.” And there are plenty of right wing Catholics who are unhappy about that, too. But this latter distinction is important, because it means Romero didn’t die on behalf of the poor, or for any reason other than his Catholic faith. In other words, he died because he was a Catholic, rather than because he sided with the masses during the civil war, or because he delivered fiery sermons attacking the Salvadoran ruling elite. As with much in the Catholic Church this is a small, but important, distinction and one which represents an approach by Pope Francis which can be viewed as clever, or nauseating, depending upon your point of view. As when Pope Francis was asked about homosexuality and the Church and he responded, with clever ambiguity, “Who am I to judge?”

In my view, the Catholic Church’s beatification of Oscar Romero will most likely elevate, and bring low, his legacy.

These titles and definitions are linked to a process of institutional recognition that may eventually culminate in sainthood—the highest regard in which a deceased Catholic can be held. My admittedly limited understanding of this process is that for someone to be declared a Saint, two “miracles” have to be “proven”: One which occurred when the saintly prospect was alive and one posthumously. Apparently, the latter often involves someone praying to the prospective saint on behalf of a sick person who is then miraculously “cured”—magical steps that, it seems to me, cheapen the whole process; sort of a mirror image of the largely (and thankfully) disregarded Catholic practice of exorcism.

What all this means is that we don’t need a Catholic commission to find “proof” of Godly intercession to tell us what we already know: that Romero—call him what you like— played an important role in the struggle for freedom and equality and there is much to be learned from his example. And it is precisely this lesson that is problematic for the Catholic Church—in particular for Pope Francis himself.

I would argue that Pope Francis did not take that critical step towards the poor during the dirty wars in Argentina (1976-1983) when his fellow Argentinians were being hunted down and murdered by the dictatorship. When Romero was castigating his fellow ruling oligarchs for repressing preasants, what was Jorge Mario Bergoglio saying? Pope Francis claims that he protected some fellow Jesuit priests, but I think it’s clear from his own recollections of that time that he did not have his epiphany when it was needed most. And no brave actions against the dictatorship were forthcoming on his part. And I, for one, am still waiting for a fuller Mea Culpa from this Pope who, from the current relative safety of his Pontificate, now rails against the injustices suffered by the poor and downtrodden of this earth. Where were these impassioned homilies when they were needed?

But perhaps it will be the beatification of Romero that gives Pope Francis his opportunity to square the circular hole that is his past behavior during the Dirty War dictatorship with the square peg that is his contemporary denunciation of privilege and oppression in the new millennium.

The earthly ‘miracle’ of Archbishop Oscar Romero is that he set aside a life of immense privilege, stood up for the oppressed, made himself vulnerable and then paid the ultimate price for having done so.

This is something Pope Francis did not do.

If every person, from whatever background—religious or non-religious— would do as much, we would have paradise in the here and now, where it counts, rather than some imaginary beyond, where it doesn’t.

Romero had his epiphany following the murder of his friend, the radicalized parish priest Rutilio Grande. And while Romero probably wouldn’t have put it in the currency of Liberation Theology, he took that “preferential option for the poor” and stood up to torture, repression, poverty and inequality. And that’s why he was killed, not, in a narrow sense because he was Catholic, or because he professed his faith. Unless, of course, we equate the Catholic faith with standing up to oppression in the manner of Oscar Romero. In this respect the Catholic Hierarchy wants their cake and to eat it too—they want to take credit for Romero’s legacy of social justice, but without linking it to actual struggles for equality or their own complicity in the death of Romero and so many, many others.

And Catholics concerned with social justice should not allow this to happen.Roque Dalton

Roque Dalton’s murder by his own comrades in arms presents the left with its own ethical dilemma: Some who are reputed to have executed Dalton went on to play leading roles in the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) umbrella guerrilla movement that now, as a political party, governs El Salvador. Dalton’s sons, Juan Jose and Jorge Dalton have both petitioned the left wing government of El Salvador to investigate the murder and bring to justice his killers, to no avail. 

The late Uruguayan writer Eduardo Galeano has this devastating three-sentence-long poem about Dalton’s murder which eloquently lays out the stakes:

The Unforgivable

The poet Roque Dalton wielded a defiant wit, he never learned to sup up or take orders, and he laughed and loved fearlessly.

On the eve of this day [May 10] in the year 1975, his fellow guerrillas in El Salvador shot him dead while he slept.

Criminals: rebels who kill to punish disagreement are no less criminal than generals who kill to perpetuate injustice.

(Retreived May 1, 2015 from wordswithoutborders.org).

Since the day I first read it in El Salvador in 1985 my favorite poem of Roque Dalton’s is Watchtower. (Please forgive my translation, it is largely from memory and what I have been able to scrape together from the Internet as I cannot find my copy of Datlon’s Clandestine Poems within which it appears.)

Watchtower

A religion that tells you there’s only pie-in-the-sky

and that all earthly life is lousy and vicious

and that you shouldn’t be too concerned

is the best guarantee that you will stumble at every step

and dash your teeth and soul

against absolutely earthly rocks

While it may seem counterintuitive, it is nonetheless true: the legacy of Archbishop Romero demands a reckoning from the Catholic Church that cannot be satisfied by his elevation to sainthood; it can only be given true meaning when his example transforms the Catholic Church and makes it a vessel for delivering us from oppression and opening the door towards justice and equality. Likewise, the assassination of Roque Dalton by his own comrades cannot be atoned for by placing his visage on a postage stamp or including his poems in the school curriculum; it can only be set to rest when his killers are brought to justice and when Dalton’s vision of a socialist future is won.

Jonathan Mozzochi

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...

The Ferguson Frankenjury

30 Sunday Nov 2014

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

≈ Leave a comment

The Ferguson Frankenjury

“If it takes a riot for America to remember their names then that tells you more about the country than it does about the rioters.”
–Gary Younge, The Guardian.

First the killing.

After being shot six times by police officer Darren Wilson, Michael Brown’s presumably lifeless body (when did he actually die?) was left to lie in the street four hours before being perfunctorily gathered up, like so much trash in the ghetto, by authorities. This neglect is now a perverse emblem of the depth of contempt for black life that persists in America. As Gary Younge points out (The Guardian, October 10, 2014), this young man’s life and then bullet-ridden body were “dispensable, despised and discarded”, as with America’s promise of racial equality.

Then, as if to add insult to injury, there emerged a Kafkaesque grand jury process. Within days of the killing a grand jury had been assembled. But this cornerstone of our ‘Anglo-American’ system of justice was placed in the hands of a mad scientist, Fergson prosecutor Bob McCulloch, who would refuse to recuse himself and instead guide a deeply flawed, yet exquisitely effective, process to its forgone conclusion. McCulloch would, predictably, decline to recommend prosecuting Wilson, an event that occurs within our hallowed halls of justice about as often as a grand jury is all African-American–which is to say never.

In his Guardian article, Younge recalls another jury that deliberated over the fate of white men accused of killing a Black teenager. That jury, in 1955 Mississippi, took all of 67 minutes to acquit the killers of Emmitt Till. “If we hadn’t stopped to drink pop,” said one juror, “it wouldn’t have taken that long.” In that case, under Jim Crow segregation, the grand jury actually forwarded charges. The grand jury tasked with deciding whether to recommend criminal charges against Darren Wilson, the cop who shot Brown to death, took its sweet time–more than three months–to deliver a decision. “That’s a lot of pop,” quipped Younge.

When the Ferguson grand jury finally did deliver a decision it was that the preponderance of evidence did not, according to our citizen jurors, rise to the level of ‘probable cause’. In local parlance it was the equivalent of “fuck you”. The jury process was so rotten with foul illogic, so twisted in its legal sophistry as to have invited the opprobrium of none other than Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, that standard bearer of Black liberation. According to Scalia, McCulloch’s handling of the grand jury flouted traditions that have stood for ‘hundreds of years’.

“It is the grand jury’s function not ‘to enquire … upon what foundation [the charge may be] denied,’ or otherwise to try the suspect’s defenses, but only to examine ‘upon what foundation [the charge] is made’ by the prosecutor…As a consequence, neither in this country nor in England has the suspect under investigation by the grand jury ever been thought to have a right to testify or to have exculpatory evidence presented.”

Which is exactly what McCulloch both did not do (forward a charge) and did do (had the suspect testify).

This was no ordinary grand jury; it was a Frankenjury.

The Ferguson Frankenjury process has been unusual in so many ways it is useful to list a few: the refusal of the prosecutor to recommend charges; the 3 1/2 month deliberation punctuated by seemingly mischievous and calculated leaks; the unprecedented 4 hours of testimony to the grand jury from the shooter, (this suggests a creepy parallel with the amount of time Mike Brown’s body was left–lifeless?–in the streets of Ferguson) the drawn out media circus; the interminable delays; the urban counterinsurgency strategy with its militarized ‘peace officers’ in the wings; the preemptive ‘state of emergency’ declared by a feckless Governor more than a week before a decision was announced, suggesting he wasn’t even in the loop; and, finally, the announcement itself coming at night and the smoking streets that followed–all of this so heart-wrenchingly familiar in its result yet novel in its process.

There is also the little matter of Wilson describing Brown as a “Demon” which, aside from being almost comical as a dehumanizing and racist trope, also serves as a defense. We were told again and again that all Wilson had to demonstrate for an effective defense was that he ‘felt’ fear of Michael Brown–whether that fear was rational or not being irrelevant. That this was something for a judge or jury to consider during a trial and not for a sitting grand jury weighing probable cause was almost completely lost amidst the blather.

Elsewhere in his article Younge uses the word ‘prevaricate’ (speak or act in an evasive way, quibble with the truth) where he means, I think, ‘procrastinate’, or delay. A common and forgivable error. But the members of the Ferguson Frankenjury, at least during their lengthy deliberations, had not spoken falsely–they said nothing at all–busy as they were drinking pop for three+ months. But there is something inherently deceitful about their delay, something dishonest in their act of ‘suspending judgment’ that suggests a neologism may be in order, so as to capture both the elements of delay and deceit so intrinsic to the process. 

When an institutional authority engages in a process of delay and equivocation, putting off and perverting justice, it can be henceforth be said to prevaricrastinate; or, if you prefer, procrastivaricate.

Ugly words for an ugly process.

My two Frankenwords are assembled from ‘prevaricate’ and ‘procrastinate’ and each has two word parts swiveling on a fulcrum of injustice: ‘Prevaricrastinate, meaning justice denied, then delayed; and, ‘procrastivaricate’, meaning justice delayed, then denied.

A perfect symmetry.

From my Oxford English Dictionary, Second Edition, 1989, we find the following nugget within the word usages for ‘prevaricate’:

Prevaricate: “…to betray the cause of a client by collusion with an opponent…To undertake a matter falsely and deceitfully in order to defeat the object professed to be promoted.” That, together with procrastinate, is exactly what Bob McCulloch engaged in: he betrayed the victims of this crime by colluding with the perpetrator, and our institutions either supported that decision or looked the other way.

(Elsewhere prevaricate can mean “to spread the legs apart, straddle…bent, knock-kneed…” but I won’t indulge in that tangent.)

Procrastinate, of course, means “…to put off till the morrow, to put off from day to day; to defer [action], to delay…play a waiting game, use delaying tactics.”  

Let’s dissect the Frankenword, ‘Prevaricrastinate’. First, there is the hacking apart of each word, ‘prevaricate’ and ‘procrastinate’, followed by the stitching together of the two words such that their combined meanings form a new one. When spoken, the word sounds difficult and uncomfortable; it registers a certain labored construction (unnatural grafting) and its enunciation proceeds as if one can hear the gears of justice grinding to a halt. Just as the word ends badly (‘crastinate’) as in a painful gastro-intestinal blockage–so too this jury’s work will come to an ugly end.

‘Procrastivaricate’, on the other hand, with it’s ending ‘varicate’ sounds like ‘validate’ or ‘verification’. This suggests a drawn out process that, while painful, does eventually arrive at the truth–just as our Ferguson Frankenjury has dangled before us. But, as with the Ferguson grand jury’s final decision,’varicate’ is nonsensical in this context. It doesn’t mean anything at all; it just sounds as if it does. It is a word, but a medical term–‘varicies’, from ‘varicose’, as in ‘veins’. So in a poetic way this ending accurately represents the Ferguson Frankenjury process: A sclerotic system that has blockages preventing the free flow of blood (disinterested weighing of evidence) to the body politic (justice). In this ironic sense, it works

Younge’s parallel between the absence of justice in the Till and Brown killings is instructive. If under Jim Crow the racist murderers of Emmitt Till were acquitted, but did at least face charges, whereas the killer of Michael Brown won’t even face a manslaughter or ‘failure to aid’ charge, then what has changed?

Nothing. The process has mutated; but the result remains the same.

Jonathan Mozzochi
November, 2014

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...

“They Bring That Desert Stuff To Our World”–Bill Maher and Islamophobia

09 Sunday Nov 2014

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay, Rant

≈ Leave a comment

“They Bring That Desert Stuff To Our World”
Bill Maher and Islamophobia

In case you missed it, Bill Maher has been at it again with religion. Which is nothing new–after all he did make a movie called Religulous. But he is not just grinding his religion axe, which I have been known to swing; he’s been dragging Muslims through the mud in a way that is, well, getting unseemly and personal. In the process he’s managed to exhibit the same loathsome character traits he assigns the religious “whackos” he is so fond of excoriating. At one point in this ongoing, disgraceful rehashing of the ‘Clash of Civilizations’ thesis Maher, exasperated at all the ‘hate’ he’s stirred up, suggested he might shut up on the topic.

Please do. It’s getting to the point I want to throw a shoe at you.

Maher and his sidekicks Sam Harris and Richard Dawkins–those instant atheists ever at the ready to demolish whatever straw man caricature of organized religion is offered up for sacrifice–are playing an odious game. It is really difficult to watch the three of them play shills to political forces eager to have an expanded war in the Middle East. They serve at the pleasure of war mongers, all sniggling aside, as their signature adulation of a virtuous ‘West’ is counterposed to a malevolent ‘Orient’. This reeks of intellectual dishonesty and a noxious repackaging of neo-colonialism and xenophobia, albeit with all the trappings of postmodern irony on offer for a forthcoming retreat behind plausible deniability–”we were just joking.” And while it’s painfully familiar, it still sucks because, well, he’s kind of one of us, like Christopher Hitchens. Or Alexander Cockburn.

Such an old ploy, this brutal cleaving of the world into two irreducible and distinct, warring civilizations. Their framework for discussion (if one can call it that) studiously ignores what most liberals and anyone who can legitimately be called a leftist knows to be necessary when addressing this subject: power relations between peoples within and among nation states. As in what forces are arrayed against the democratic aspirations of Muslims? Ah. But therein lies the rub. Maher doesn’t have this problem, as by definition a ‘Muslim’ is anti-democratic. So no need to discuss what role the 21s Century Leviathan plays in this drama. How about in Egypt? Was that a Coup d’etat, Bill? Or perhaps a conscientious, independent, and benevolent military gracefully sidelining a nasty, backwards, Islamic dictatorship intent on murdering those precious standard bearers of Western culture, the cartoonists behind Southpark? How is it that Maher can be a trenchant critic of American influence both at home and abroad but shit the bed when it comes to Islam and Muslims? Answer: He succumbs to classic Islamophobia. But this is nothing new for him in kind; only perhaps in degree. Which raises the question as to how this jackass can pass himself off as a leftist.

But before we get to that, let’s get a working definition for the inelegant but necessary term ‘Islamophobia’. How about unfounded hostility towards and fear of Muslims. Unfounded is the operative term here; and in Bill Maher’s case that will be abundantly clear–no mean Muslims at his door calling for his head.

What would we look for among Maher’s comments that might conform to the defining elements of Islamophobia? How about the following definitive exchange between Maher and Anderson Cooper. In it, Maher manages to hit on all cylinders when responding to a characteristically sophomoric question from Cooper, who has never encountered an unstated assumption he could articulate nor one he would shy away from to please a guest: “Why is Islam the one religion about which so many in America–and the West–censor themselves…? Is it just fear?”

Maher responds: “Absolutely. Because they’re violent. Because they threaten us. And they are threatening. They bring that desert stuff to our world …We don’t threaten each other, we sue each other. That’s the sign of civilized people. And they don’t … People who want to gloss over the difference between western culture and Islamic culture and forget about the fact that the Islamic culture is 600 years younger and that they are going through the equivalent of what the west went through with our middle ages, our dark ages when religion had way too much power … do so at their peril.”

Elsewhere Maher has added:

“New Rule: Although America likes to think it’s number one, we have to admit we’re behind the developing world in at least one thing. Their religious whackos are a lot more whacko than ours! [Laughter]…Our culture isn’t just different than one that makes death threats to cartoonists. It’s better. [Applause]” –Real Time with Bill Maher 2011.
Let’s unpack that load.

Islam is archaic and backwards (‘desert stuff’, ‘dark ages’). Check.

‘Islamic Culture’ is inferior to ‘Western Culture’. Check.

Muslims lag behind more advanced peoples (600 years!). Check.

Islam is uncivilized (lacking the signs of ‘civilized people’). Check.

Muslims are inherently violent (we sue, they fight). Check.

Islam is a religion of violence and supports terrorism (Fatwas against cartoonists). Check.

Elsewhere Maher and his cohorts Harris and Dawkins peddle other stereotypes.

Muslims reject democratic values (otherwise they would have democratic states! Ignore Indonesia. Ignore Egypt before the Coup. etc.). Check.

Islam does not share common values with other major faiths (Even the Pope won’t send his “Swiss Guards” to hunt apostates down). Check.

Islam is monolithic and cannot adapt to new realities. Check.

What’s perhaps more chilling than Maher’s ranting is the disposition of his audience. Was there no one in his studio audience with a conscience? Couldn’t someone even cough to signal opposition?

Maher at once cuts too broad a swath with his biting humor and yet displays an obsession with the flesh and blood particulars of his subject matter that is worrisome: he’s always returning to graphic images of heads being lopped off, suicide bombers and all the rest. Maher would be better off examining the tomfoolery of religion across cultural boundaries than allowing his pathology full bloom in regards Islam.

It’s indicative of his neo-liberal moorings, laden with a culturally permissive patina, that Maher doesn’t bother with the messy notion of a North-South split. That would involve too much heavy lifting and unpacking of his heroic notion of the ‘West’ and the so very unheroic effects of Western imperialism in the third world. Such a different perspective wouldn’t help him render an ‘other’ so different from ‘us’–a rhetorical operation absolutely necessary for demonization–which is what Maher is doing.

All of this reminds me of another American popular culture expression of Islamophobia, the 2007 film 300, described as a ‘porno-military fantasy’ by one reviewer and as a film that trafficked in neo-fascist aesthetics by myself where “so completely is the ‘other’ rendered different that it is difficult to conceive of them as human.”

Coming from national security state war boosters this kind of jingoism is not surprising; but it shouldn’t be welcomed within the liberal left, where Maher moors his ship of fools. I am at a loss as to how any decent person would ever forgive or forget these transgressions. They are despicable.

What’s at play here is a familiar Western superiority complex that needs dismantling. I’m particularly fond of a quote by the late Uruguayan novelist Eduardo Galeano from his book Open Veins of Latin America: “Underdevelopment isn’t a stage of development, but its consequence.” Just that one sentence explodes Maher and company’s narrow, moralistic and ahistorical stance. As in who carved out all those ridiculous state borders from the Ottoman Empire and what effect has that had on the subsequent development of civic society there? How about all those so-called ‘Banana Republics’?

Must we continue with the likes of Ben Affleck as the standard bearer of reason in opposition to Maher and company? Meh. What Affleck lacks in erudition he makes up for in enthusiasm; but sometimes you’ve got to be more than just right, sometimes you need to drop the etiquette and just slap the smile off his face.

Besides, if you must divide the world into the West vs. Islam, secular rationalism vs. religious superstition, how about this: The thoroughly religious injunction against financial interest and debt at the center of Islamic economics is far more rational than the fairy tale of Adam Smith’s ‘Invisible Hand’ or Alan Greenspan’s modern rendition spun from algorithms. How difficult would it be to make that argument for a more just and equitable world?

Although after having suffered through the ignorant ramblings of these Three Wizened Blowhards (Maher, Harris and Dawkins) you wouldn’t think so, I still maintain it is possible to be an atheist without being an asshole.

Jonathan Mozzochi
November, 2014

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...

Capital in the Twenty-First Century–Eternal Inequality?

08 Saturday Nov 2014

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

≈ 2 Comments

Jonathan Mozzochi's avatarGhosts of Anti-Fascism Past

Capital in the Twenty-First Century–Eternal Inequality?

No, I have not read all 577 pages of Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century. I don’t think I have the wherewithal to hike through such a dense scholarly forest. Besides, there are also seventy-eight pages of notes inconveniently placed at the end of the book–rather than at the bottom of each page–that drive me bat shit. So I’ll leave it to the saintly patient among us to assemble a more complete assessment. Here I’ll sketch out my preliminary thoughts.

I’ve read more about Thomas Piketty and his economic laws and formula for inequality ‘r>g’ (now immortalized on a t-shirt by Stephen Colbert) than I have read pages of his book. But after having read a hundred or so pages, Capital in the Twenty-First Century now occupies pride of place on my desk where it conceals a good number of bills I would…

View original post 1,786 more words

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...

Capital in the Twenty-First Century–Eternal Inequality?

08 Saturday Nov 2014

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

≈ 1 Comment

Tags

capitalism, economics, inequality, r>g, Thomas Piketty

Capital in the Twenty-First Century–Eternal Inequality?

No, I have not read all 577 pages of Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century. I don’t think I have the wherewithal to hike through such a dense scholarly forest. Besides, there are also seventy-eight pages of notes inconveniently placed at the end of the book–rather than at the bottom of each page–that drive me bat shit. So I’ll leave it to the saintly patient among us to assemble a more complete assessment. Here I’ll sketch out my preliminary thoughts.

I’ve read more about Thomas Piketty and his economic laws and formula for inequality ‘r>g’ (now immortalized on a t-shirt by Stephen Colbert) than I have read pages of his book. But after having read a hundred or so pages, Capital in the Twenty-First Century now occupies pride of place on my desk where it conceals a good number of bills I would rather not pay. So here’s my two-cents worth, which is all I have left after r>g.

Capital in the Twenty-First Century is primarily a study of economics, a discipline I generally hold in low regard, as phrenology or public relations. Despite this built-in handicap, Piketty has succeeded in producing a work of singular importance for anyone concerned with social equality and economic justice. What allows him to do so, unlike so many others before him, is two-fold: a multi-disciplinary approach to the problematic relationship between capitalism and social inequality; and a mastery of a mountain of data sets.

Piketty argues that a systematic rendering of the dynamics of inequality require the scholarly tools of the historian and the sociologist as much as, if not more than, the economist, in order to adequately explain what is at the core of this system of production, exchange and consumption that we all live with. Piketty also owes a great debt to a number of talented colleagues and to relatively recent technological advances (the internet, relational databases) that help with the heavy lifting necessary to manage mountains of data. Such talented coworkers and new widgets allowed for Piketty et. al. to slowly, over 15 years, sort through economic data spread out over a great deal of time (as much as 300 years) and across many different societies (at least 20 countries) and transform it into useful information and from there into a theory. Piketty even goes so far as to argue that his theory rests on laws. That’s pretty audacious, and just the sort of thing, when put forward by economists, I usually find so aggressively stupid–the kind of stuff that ‘naturalizes’ inequality and injustice, where the rich are rich because they work real hard and deserve what they get and, conversely, the poor deserve their lot. But Piketty is grinding a different axe here and although I am skeptical that he has uncovered any hidden ‘laws’ regarding the functioning of capitalism or economics more generally, he has valuable insights.

Captial in the Twenty-First Century provides a much needed re-periodization of the history of global capitalism that reminds us (as if we needed reminding) that as a system it is both unstable and unsustainable. As a political economy it involves a deeply contradictory relationship to democracy. Except for war, depression and revolution, social inequality increases both over time and across nations: regardless of where or when you live, the global rate of return on capital (r) tends to increase at a rate higher than that of the economy in general (g), the result being that the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. It’s a fairly straightforward equation, but it has far-reaching, profound implications. Piketty’s prescription to solve this problem is not, as revolutionary ideas go, audacious, but it is absolutely inconceivable within the thought world of elite opinion: a global tax on wealth and income. Even Piketty has described this modest proposal as ‘utopian’.

What Piketty and his colleagues effectively demonstrate is that instead of a steady forward march and upward trajectory, where the benefits of capitalist development steadily lift all boats, or trickle down onto the heads of the masses–choose your inept metaphor–the prevalence and persistence of inequality is a key feature of this economic system. The kicker here is that the rate of accumulation of wealth and income by the few is only interrupted when gross economic output (GDP at the national level) exceeds the rate of return on capital. The tendency towards increased inequality is mitigated by technological innovation and the diffusion of education to the masses–but only so much, and such developments can be offset by novel forms of accumulation at the top. Apparently this leveling out hasn’t happened very often over the past 300 years and when it has–during and after world wars, depressions and revolution–it is a by-product of the instability the economic system has itself produced. In other words, only after economic and political convulsions is the process of upwards accumulation slowed or halted; then, after a time, inequality is reasserted. Another way to look at this is that these spasms of extreme violence, capital destruction, and habitat obliteration are this system’s way of regulating itself.
Yikes.

This brings to mind a clever rhetorical Q & A: Why does capitalism triumph over all attempts to thwart it? Because when faced with a crisis, capital turns to socialism to rescue it every time.

Elsewhere Piketty notes the recent emergence of ‘super managers’ pulling away from everyone else and that we are returning to a form of ‘patrimonial capitalism’ that resembles the ‘Gilded Age’ that preceded the Great Depression.

It doesn’t take a Paul Krugman to see that.

But I am also ambivalent about Piketty and his tome. The author self-consciously adopts the accoutrements of radicalism without any of the elements of risk (imprisonment, exile, execution) that have commonly been associated with such ideas–sort of squatting on the shoulders of giants. Piketty’s radicalism is that of a ‘rock star’, the perfect emblem for the Society of the Spectacle (another apt French phrase). If I write dismissively of the hype surrounding Piketty it’s only to highlight an intellectual marketplace that functions to domesticate all manner of dissent and opposition, what others have described as Capital’s ability to assimilate and thereby neutralize red, yellow and black cells. In the process what is so obviously a scholarly work of some importance is being systematically sucked dry of any saliency by a commentariat enthralled with the image of scholarly rebellion but largely incapable of grappling with the most potent ideas at the center of this work. And that includes the gushing praise heaped by the likes of Paul Krugman as well as the absurd red-baiting coughed up by the Financial Times and other hack apologists for inequality.

It’s been inspiring to watch mainstream and especially libertarian economists go back on their heels in the face of a body of work that has exposed their epic failures: first, their inability to document and accept the instability that comes with inequality as an essential historical feature of global capitalism and, secondly, their failure to anticipate the obvious results this contradiction will produce (Crash of 2008). I delight in Piketty’s swipe at American orthodox economists as being numbers obsessed, a collection of blinkered bean counters and malignant technocrats consumed with more profit and novel ways of obtaining it. The essayist Thomas Frank in his review of Piketty’s book recounts an anecdote that neatly captures this point in a satirical manner reminiscent of a Family Guy cut-out skit: a group of American economists at an unnamed Mid-Western university took to sporting white lab coats so as to distinguish the ‘serious’ nature of their pursuits as distinct those of their colleagues in the ‘soft’ sciences of sociology, political science and anthropology. The hubris here tells us everything we need to know about the reining orthodoxy of that profession.

Piketty’s work neglects the role social forces (organized labor, civil rights movements, rural rebellions, etc) play in shaping income inequality–especially by reducing it. This reinforces a mechanistic view of economic forces as being somehow beyond our control, inexorable and inevitable–sort of like the orthodox historical materialism of another era. Piketty is a French structuralist, a school of thought that adds much to our understanding of the role social forces and institutions play in shaping our lives as much as it fails to apprehend human beings as subjects with conscious thought and agency. Such economic laws are said to exist outside us, perhaps above us, to be divined by econometricians with their modern alchemy of algorithms and spreadsheets, and salvation lies in uncovering the ‘laws’ that govern production, exchange and consumption. We need only understand them better and apply them more intelligently.

But the notion of perpetually increasing growth and profit is often presented as natural (immutable) or, worse still, moral (normative). But it is not any of those things (or shouldn’t be regarded as such) and our task is, again, to redistribute. There is no ‘law’–economic, political or moral–that can establish a fairer distribution of resources, income and wealth. Only struggle will achieve that. This is obvious to anyone who cares to look around at the abundance of natural resources that can sustain human life that are at our disposal. That those resources need be exploited by human intervention is a given, but that a market system based on greed and competition is the best way to achieve a sustainable distribution of those resources is an unsupported fairy tale: magical thinking without the sound moral teachings of a Gabriel Garcia Marquez novel to stoke our wonder and awe and help us engender change. There is really very little science here, just raw power.

Piketty distances his work from that point of view, arguing for interdisciplinary dependence and careful, sober fact-checking. Yet he reproduces that very dynamic elsewhere–at least more than he should–and it is this problem with his work that James K. Galbraith and Thomas Frank rightly point out.

Besides, no matter how many beans are counted, algorithms programmed or equations solved, I don’t consider economics a ‘science’ at all: at best it’s ‘mathematical sociology’, or ‘numerical anthropology’. We are, after all, still human and our ability to reflect on our world and change it means that efforts to quantify our activity should always be held up to rigorous examination and withering critique; that critical stance itself necessarily informed by how that bean counting, that widget, or innovative metric can help alleviate social inequality, how it serves the common good.

Given that Piketty and colleagues have been assembling, publishing and discussing their data for more than a decade and that the book was published last year in France (to mostly yawns) why the explosion in publicity over the past summer? It reminds me of the campaign orchestrated by Adbusters with the help of the PR firm ‘Workhorse’ around the Occupy Movement–some kind of prescient anticipation or luck combined with a ‘flash mob’ moment and technical prowess emerged to launch this book. I’m interested in seeing an analysis of the Harvard University Press public relations strategy on release of the book and other efforts, apparently wildly successful in a narrow economic sense, to sell the book and Piketty himself. My main concern, however, is what this book and the man who wrote it are saying about our world; how best do we evaluate the arguments put forth in the book and the discussion that has followed, and how it is useful (or not) in changing the world. At least it’s heft can be used against champions of the free market, or to help cover up those pesky bills I’d rather not pay.

Jonathan Mozzochi
November 2014

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...

The Three Montys

31 Thursday Jul 2014

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

≈ Leave a comment

[Essay]

From my jacket pocket I produce three playing cards: an Ace of Spades, a Two of Hearts and a Two of Diamonds. Three props for demonstrating a probability puzzle, the solution to which provides a window through which we may catch a glimpse–however fleeting–of the American soul. This of course begs the question: Does that soul has an afterlife? If so, where is it likely headed–heaven or hell? By reflecting on three separate but related cultural phenomena–what I call The Three Montys–we can perhaps hazard an answer these questions.

The first of my Three Montys is the classic short-con game, Three Card Monte. Played throughout the world on street corners and public busses, in alleyways and even dorm rooms, players come alive with the drama of a ‘game of chance’ or the prospect of a good hustle. The game goes by many names: ‘Find the Lady’ (when you are seeking to spot a Queen rather than an Ace as in my example), ‘Bola-bola’, ‘Thimble-rig’ or ‘shell game’–the latter substituting cups and a ball instead of cards. Regardless of what it’s called or how it’s played it always operates according to the same unwritten, but widely accepted, rules. We’ll get to those.

The second Monty is The Monty Hall Problem which derives it’s name from Monty Hall, the onetime host of the American television game show Let’s Make A Deal. Strictly speaking The Monty Hall Problem is not really a problem at all and shouldn’t be named after Monty Hall–but we will get to that, too.

The last Monty, The Full Monty, is my touchstone reference that contains within it the solution to the contradictions involved with the other two Montys.

So, in order, we have: Three Card Monte, The Monty Hall Problem and The Full Monty.

First, Three Card Monte.

You may have an image of a young man throwing dice against a wall, or leaning over a small fold-up table. You’re in the right territory. Three Card Monte involves three people, although the game relies on the illusion that only two are playing at any given time.

First there is the Con, or host of the game, who shuffles three playing cards and will lay them face down. Two of these cards are alike and undesirable. In my example above the Two of Diamonds and Two of Hearts, both red cards of low value, are to be avoided while the Ace of Spades, the only black card among the three and of the highest value, is the card a player wants to pick. When the shuffling is finished, the Con invites players to guess where the Ace of Spades lies among the three downturned cards, and wager a bet that they know where it is hidden.

The second person in this game is the Shill, a seemingly disinterested player, who often appears hapless unable to guess where the one card of value keeps getting on to.

The last person is the Mark, who doesn’t understand that the Shill is not an independent player, but rather an assistant to the Con. The Shill’s staged play is designed to lure a player with money–the Mark–into the game and secure large bets. If done correctly, the Mark will become convinced that they can better ascertain where the Con is hiding the desired card than the Shill and thereby gain an advantage. The Mark will believe they are competing against the Shill, all the while there is no real chance of winning at all. Another variation has the Shill convince the Mark that they can team up against the Con when in fact the opposite will occur. The Shill should lose as many rounds as it takes to get the Mark to place a bet–preferably a large one–that can be won by the Con, who will judge as to how long the Mark can be kept in the game and how much money can be obtained. In fact, although money will pass between the Shill and the Con, no money is actually exchanged. There is only the appearance that it has done so, all for the benefit of the Mark.

The Con and Shill use misdirection (“look at the birdy”), charm (“you have beautiful hair”), distraction (the Shill bumps the Mark at an appropriate time) and outright deception (palming the correct card instead of actually placing it among the three so that there is no way the Mark can correctly guess where the desired card is placed, as it is not there) to alternately allow or disallow the Mark to win a round of betting. As in all ‘con games’ the Con and Shill gain the confidence of the Mark, (hence a ‘con game’) encouraging higher bets by intentionally losing, thereby building up the Mark’s confidence and wagers, until the Con lowers the boom and takes a large bet, or all the Mark’s money and the Con and Shill suddenly have to leave (bus to catch!). In fact the name of the game–Three Card Monte–references not only the fact that there are three cards but, ironically, that there are three players, not two, as an uninitiated player would think.

In this formulation the game is fixed through cheating in order to secure an outcome favorable to the Con and Shill. It’s a game that only works if the Mark doesn’t understand the difference between how the game appears to function and how it actually functions. It is no surprise that in most locales it is illegal.

Perhaps it is also no surprise that some casino poker rooms employ Shills, although if asked, they generally must identify themselves as such. The continuity in terminology is suggestive here, but in a casino Shills are not ‘cheating’, per se, but engaged in a type of team play that has a hidden benefactor–usually the House (casino). A casino Shill works for the House as a ‘street’ Shill works for the Con, but with an important difference. Casino Shills are hired to stimulate more frequent play and larger bets because the House is making a small percentage–what’s called ‘the rake’–off each round of betting. The more rounds and higher the bets, the more the House makes. The fact that Shills are allowed to play in casinos, but must identify themselves as such if asked, signals that the House is in a position of power; poker is the one game in a casino that is not, strictly speaking, a con game. The House can afford to identify Shills because Casino games rely on something other than cheating to secure a favorable outcome. And it’s that ‘something other’ that concerns us here.

The Monty Hall Problem

Monty Hall was the avuncular host of Let’s Make A Deal, a television game show that aired in its original form from 1963 into the mid-1970s. It has since inspired various sequels and imitations, such as The New Let’s Make A Deal which currently airs on CBS. The 1963 pilot featured well-behaved, buttoned-down studio audience members chosen by Hall to become contestants who would compete, most often against each other, for the opportunity to “buy, sell or trade” their way up to a “Big Deal” held at the end of each episode. Sometimes contestants seemed to compete against themselves–wringing their hands and furrowing their brows as they wrestled with their better natures trying to decide whether to keep whatever prize they had won from Hall or risk it all for something of greater value.

By 1970, the dress and mores of so-called ‘middle America’ had begun to morph under the sustained influences of the 60’s counterculture and Monty Hall’s “Marketplace of America” began to traffic in new cultural references–in one episode Monty suggests divorce to a female contestant, something inconceivable in1963. By the early 1970s contestants had started to dress up in costumes–Raggedy Ann, a sailor, a scarecrow, a police officer, etc.–to get Hall’s attention and make the hallowed transition from passive (if boisterous) audience member to contestant and therein (hopefully) to big winner.

The props included the perfect embodiment of commodity fetishism–the iconic “Instant Cash Machine”–that prefigured our now ubiquitous ATMs (can you even remember what that acronym stands for?) together with a constant flow of booby prizes that amused and entertained: behind curtain #2 is…a camel! Or lion cub or bargain item of little value. Contestants were from all-American locales such as Simi Valley, California or Elgin, Illinois and competed against one another to guess the “West Coast Suggested Manufacturer’s Retail Price” for a can of Hilton’s Oyster Stew or a pair of Mother Goose women’s shoes. A contestant who wins some money at the cash machine may be called back as a “Trader” and given the opportunity to risk what they had won up to that point for something of greater value; but they would always compete against another trader.

Let’s Make A Deal pioneered now-standard game show set-pieces such as estimating a “manufacturer’s retail price” and progressive risk-taking through ‘trading up’. Such elements would later define such game shows as The Price Is Right. Let’s Make A Deal was also an early and successful example of advertising through product placement, as brand name items–often furniture, household appliances, and leisure culture staples such as sailboats and cruises–were featured prominently, over and over again, on the program’s stage, in the audience, even emerging from Monty Hall’s pockets. The pace of Let’s Make A Deal, rapid fire and intense with it’s carnival atmosphere helped suppress critical thinking in exchange for immediate gratification; the relaxation or abandonment of skepticism in order to ‘scratch that itch’. All of this reflected the post World War II American explosion in domestic consumption and change in America’s self-identity from a nation of people(s) into a nation of consumers. With this development also coincided the notion that rights such as ‘liberty’ and ‘freedom’ were inherently bound up with one’s ability to exercise ‘choice’ in the marketplace. Freedom, even democracy, became inseparable from the marketplace whereas prior to this historical juncture capital was more often considered in competition with democracy and freedom. The show is also an excellent example of commodity fetishism: how the magic of the marketplace (where products are conjured up from seemingly nowhere, or everywhere) obscures the true character of human relations that make possible the production, exchange, and consumption of those products.

In some respects the original Let’s Make A Deal resembled a televised casino game; the program took off in popularity about the same time the city of Las Vegas was being established as the world’s epicenter for so-called ‘games of chance’. In its own way Let’s Make A Deal reflected a marriage between two innovations that were coming into their own in the post WWII era: mass marketing and the cult of the consumer, on the one hand, and novel ways of using probabilistic sophistry to part people from their money, on the other.

All casinos have ‘bells and whistles’ that come with their games. The most impressive ones can count on a battery of field-tested social-psychological accoutrements designed not so much to obscure or deceive or misdirect the Mark as to lard their experience with critical thinking suppression devices–alcohol and other drugs, sensual pleasures, entertainment and toys. In other words, what happens around casino games is of at least as much importance as what goes on inside the games. Besides, casino games share much in common with Three Card Monte, but much more with Let’s Make A Deal.

A Letter to The American Statistician

As a game show Let’s Make A Deal was innovative, but in at least one respect it was ground breaking. It wasn’t until 1975, 12 years after the show’s debut–that someone noticed what that something was. Let’s Make A Deal did not become ‘The Monty Hall Problem’ until 1975 when Steve Selvin, a professor at Berkeley published two letters in The American Statistician. (Vol. 29, No.s 1 and 3). In Silven’s first letter he cleverly reworks (without attribution) the Three Prisoners Dilemma, a well-known probability paradox that itself is indebted to Bertand’s Box, which dates back to 1889. Selvin changes the format of Let’s Make A Deal to illustrate how veridical probability paradoxes work–they produce results that appear absurd but can be mathematically demonstrated to be true. Through his letter Selvin was trying to show his readers that Let’s Make A Deal helps us understand how probability paradoxes work.

I’m trying to show that Let’s Make A Deal and it’s association with probability paradoxes can help us understand how our economy and politics work.

Instead of using The Three Prisoner Dilemma format whereby one prisoner is to be pardoned and two others executed, Selvin substitutes a hypothetical contestant on Let’s Make A Deal who faces a similar choice, though without the added stress of potential execution: three boxes, one containing the keys to a 1975 Lincoln Continental, the other two, nothing.
Silven’s hypothetical contestant chooses a box, let’s say ‘Box B’. The host (Monty Hall) offers the contestant $100 for the box (this is a nod to the format of the show, but superfluous to his reconstruction of the paradox). The contestant says, “no.” Hall then offers $200 in exchange for the box–telling the contestant to remember that the probability of ‘his’ box being the correct 1/3 while the probability of it being empty still 2/3. “Still want to keep it?” Asks Hall. How about $500?” The contestant still replies no!
Hall then says he’ll do the contestant a favor and open Box A, which is shown to be empty. He then tells the contestant his probability of picking the correct box is now 1 in 2, but offers him $1000 for his box. But the contestant says, “no”.
Silven then writes “WAIT!!! Is Monte right?”
Silven asks whether Monte has done the contestant a favor by opening one of the remaining boxes and whether his probability improved from 1/3 to 1/2. Again it appears as though the contestant’s probability of guessing the right box has improved from 1/3 to 1/2, but Silven will show it hasn’t. But his example doesn’t end there–there is a kicker. Silven offers up a role reversal wherein the contestant offers Monte a deal, saying he’ll “trade you my box B for the box C…”
Silven has Hall respond: “That’s weird!?”
But the contestant has done the math: Silven proceeds to consider the possible outcomes, after which two things are established: After Monty opens one of the empty boxes the contestant faces no improved probability of success, as it remains 1/3, even though it appears to have improved to 1/2. Furthermore, on the program Let’s Make A Deal there are always two contestants, and no box switching is allowed. Just because one of the boxes has been eliminated doesn’t change the fact that the hypothetical contestant chose his box when there where 3 boxes up for grabs. This the host tries to muddy by offering money, deliberately trying mislead the contestant that their odds had changed (an homage to the original Three Card Monte). What changes is if the contestant has the ability to stay or switch after the host has opened an empty box. While it doesn’t appear to improve the chances of success for the contestant, the option to switch improves their probability from 1/3 to 2/3. This is the counterintuitive, hidden play within The Monty Hall Problem that is so interesting.
That’s the original statement of the problem. It illustrates both the counterintuitive answer of either variation of the dilemma and as such is a better statement than practically any follow-up since then (and there have been hundreds, most of which do not grasp the nuances between the variations, including numerous iterations by The New York Times). Silven followed up with his second letter “The Monty Hall Problem” presumably because there was a great deal of criticism leveled at his conclusion that the contestant was correct in trying to switch. Silven restated his proposition, provided a mathematical proof to support it, then reprinted a section of a telling May 12, 1975 letter to him from Monty Hall:
“Although I am not a student of…[statistics], I do know that these figures can always be used to one’s advantage…The big hole in your argument…is that once the first box is seen to be empty, the contestant cannot exchange his box…after one is seen to be empty, his chances are no longer 50/50 but remain what they were in the first place, one out of three. It just seems to the contestant that one box having been eliminated, he stands a better chance. Not so. It was always two to one against him [1/3] And if you ever get on my show, the rules hold fast for you–no trading boxes after the selection.
–Monty”
Through his letter Monty Hall acknowledges both that the probability a contestant will choose the correct box does not change after the host (surprisingly) opens an empty box and that if he were to allow a contestant to switch choices after the fact (which he does not ever do) that would change their chances from 1/3 to 2/3.
Selvin’s second 1975 letter “On The Monty Hall Problem” is the first use of that term in print. It is amusing that Selvin’s first letter uses the ‘Monte’ spelling so closely associated with the low-brow con game, perhaps an unconscious nod to the unfairness at the heart of both Montys. In his second letter, Selvin uses the spelling “Monty”, perhaps because he had by that time received the letter from the game show host himself.

A second iteration of the paradox comes in 1990 with the publication of “Game Show Problem” by the celebrity intellectual and columnist Marilyn vos Savant in, of all places, Parade Magazine. Savant correctly interpreted the Monty Hall Problem as a probability puzzle with one solution: Switch. Savant published a letter by a reader from Maryland who is the first to structure the paradox using the now familiar two goats and one car formulation. Here the paradox is boiled down to “switch or stay”, and Savant correctly answers “Yes; you should switch.” But it doesn’t matter, as she reportedly received a mountain of angry letters denouncing her stupidity, many from PhDs.
Savant gladly reprinted some, including these gems:
“You’re in error, but Albert Einstein earned a dearer place in the hearts of people after he admitted his errors.–Frank Rose, Ph.D., University of Michigan.”
“Maybe women look at math problems differently than men.–Don Edwards, Sunriver Oregon”
“You are the goat!–Glenn Calkins Western State College”
And my favorite:
“You made a mistake, but look at the positive side. If all those Ph.D’s were wrong, the country would be in some very serious trouble.–Everett Harman, Ph.D., U.S. Army Research Institute”
Exactly.
Savant was correct and generally too polite in the face of unremitting, vicious criticism. Of course what is rarely discussed, and what Monty Hall referenced in his letter to Selvin, is that Let’s Make A Deal never allowed for a construction of the problem in the way it is now set up. In other words, the now familiar two-goats and a car construction of the so-called Monty Hall Problem, which the New York Times uses, is apocryphal. It does not come from Let’s Make A Deal, but directly from Selvin’s letter of 1975, which itself is a reworking of the Three Prisoner’s Dilemma (1959) which goes back to Betrand’s Box (1889).
It was only after Savant published her column and her letter-writer articulated the two goats and a car format together with the option to switch for the contestant that the Monty Hall Problem would achieve the status of a celebrity paradox, although in actuality since 1963–a span of over 51 years–the Monty Hall Problem has only ever been a reworking of a probability paradox that itself owed its origins to another dating back more than a century. It is somewhat ironic that in the almost 40 years since Selvin published his letter the very discussion of the meaning of The Monty Hall Problem, with it’s origin’s in Parade Magazine and later with the New York Times has also illustrated how marketing and probabilistic sophistry go so well together without explaining why the so-called ‘problem’, or the show itself, or any of it should matter at all.
Games of Chance
The term ‘game of chance’, by the way, seems calculated to obscure what these games really are: specialized con games that have supplanted their crude predecessors, such as Three Card Monte with its primitive accumulation and reliance on brute deception, with ever more sophisticated forms of probability schemes–innovative long cons. What do structured asset-backed securities such as collateralized debt obligations (CDO), predatory lending and other exotic financial products owe to these probability puzzles? Quite a bit, I suspect. What to someone else is a ‘game of chance’ seems more properly rendered ‘probabilistic sophistry’: a long con based on stable structures of aggregate accumulation. While that may be a mouthful, each word is important for understanding what is actually happening when you put your money into that slot machine, or are forced to purchase that insurance policy or ‘variable-rate mortgage.’ Stable, as in probability doesn’t change, whether the machine “paid” a jackpot yesterday or last year. Structured, as in an intelligently designed, closed system that God doesn’t care about and that misleads through appearance. Aggregate, as in large amounts of money collected over time, not one-time plays; and lastly, Accumulation rather than “pay out” as in the machine gathers your money. So another (more realistic) way to think about a slot machine that has a “97% pay out rate” is that it accumulates at a 3% rate while whoever plays it will play at a 3% rate of loss. And that’s if you never put back in your ‘winnings’, which you will. Over time, of course, which is all that matters to the casino, all players lose. Whether it’s poker, roulette or slot machines, all casino games work on this same principle. Unfortunately, more and more of our modern economy and political system appear to work like this as well.

Because The Monty Hall Problem is a pure example of this principle, understanding the mechanism at work within it helps illustrate what is actually happening, rather than the magical thinking involved with marketing that has rechristened all this business as ‘gaming’. Additionally, a re-examination of the game show and the probability puzzle it inspired helps us understand the profit motive at the center of the American Dream–or Nightmare, whichever you prefer.

But to really get a sense of why all of these variations on a theme are so difficult to understand–so counterintuitive and hard to grasp; why an explication of its play format can still elicit such passionate opposition, and how it suggests American political economy you need to see it, step by step, from the perspective of the uninitiated. Then, after your head cannot seem to wrap itself around this paradox, you can accompany me into its inner sanctum and see it from the only perspective from which it makes any sense: that of the House.

Let’s re-work Selvin’s Monty Hall scenario to better suit our purposes: As a thought experiment, let’s pretend we are a contestant, one of the uninitiated, and see how play proceeds.

Let’s Make A Deal — Two Goats and a Car

First, in this scenario we are the only contestant playing against the House–remember that in Monty’s actual version there are always two contestants, or ‘traders’, playing against each other who are never given the option to switch boxes. That was the point of Monty’s letter to Steve Selvin. But in our pure scenario it is just us against the House. For a high production value experience of the game go to the New York Times webpage at: http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/08/science/08monty.html?_r=0 . Don’t press ‘How It Works’ yet.

We get to choose one of three doors behind which there are two goats and one car. In choosing a door there is a devious exploitation of bias set to work. It’s our door. We chose it. Once we’ve chosen a door, we are loathe to second guess ourselves. So we pick a door, which we really want to be the correct door, and wait expectantly for what comes next.

So we have our door, let’s say #1. Then the host ‘helps’ us by revealing one of the ‘goat’ doors, let’s say #2. Cool! That’s a prize I don’t want, and the host just eliminated it! It appears as though our odds were 1/3, but now they are 1/2. Then the host does us another favor! He says we can stay with our original choice or switch to the other door. Confident that nothing has occurred that would make us switch, as the odds, as it were, remain 50-50 you roll it over in your minds eye once, twice, –staying and switching are the same, because it’s still two doors, but somehow…

It doesn’t seem to make any difference, so we will stay. It’s the polite thing to do. And besides, the humiliation of switching away from the winning door and thereby losing when we were right (“you switched? Ouch!”) comes into play here. More reason to stay. It would be counterintuitive to think otherwise, and there doesn’t appear to be any compelling reason to switch. So we stay. When I play the game with the uninitiated I always frame the choice as 1) Stay or switch? 2) Does it matter? and, 3)Why or why not? Everyone says it doesn’t matter, so they stay as their probability of guessing the correct door appears to have improved from 1/3 to 1/2, and staying or switching doors doesn’t appear to impact that. Everyone I’ve ever had play the game who was uniformed about it stays. No one switches.

What we now know (all those Ph.Ds notwithstanding) is that in this format you should always switch. What appears to be an act of revealing a door in your favor also reinforces your desire to stay (because it appears as though the probability of choosing the correct door has improved) and to do otherwise would be, well, rude. I mean the guy did show you one of the doors! Switching strikes one as somehow a breach of trust with the avuncular host. The act of switching would somehow be going against both yourself and the host, who has done you a favor. Somewhere in your noggin is a well-intentioned but ignorant little fairy that does not help us here; it hurts us. All of this is compounded by that wholly irrational but nagging feeling that we are somehow better, more worthy people if we are right and somehow assholes if we are wrong.

The experience of choosing our door and staying with our initial choice involves the appearance of balance and fairness. There is so much that mitigates against the correct choice here that it begs the question as to whether there is something hard-wired into humans or perhaps culturally shaped (or both) that makes most people uniquely unsuited to ferret out this probability paradox. It is very difficult to grasp, much less explain, even after having it laid bare dozens of times. The game conceals a clear advantage for one choice of action (switching) and seems to promote the other (staying). Mathematically staying involves a 33% chance of guessing the car while switching will increase one’s probability to 66%. There is mathematical certainty in the advantage to switching, which the game, through probabilistic sophistry, suppresses.

Let’s Make A Deal–House Perspective

Now go back to the The New York Times web page The Monty Hall Problem http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/08/science/08monty.html?_r=0 and play the game, but click on ‘How It Works’. Notice that it only makes sense when viewed from the perspective of the House, or dealer. It appears one way, but actually functions another.

With it’s roots in the Three Card Monte tradition of con games and it’s clever exploitation of probabilistic sophistry, did Let’s Make A Deal foreshadow the rise of casino culture economics and ever more sophisticated computer-based efforts to swindle people–and make them happy about being swindled?

But all of this is ‘free will’, is it not? It is not. And this is where I part ways with most social psychologists and economists. Free will and free choice presuppose a community that has relatively equal access to and acquisition of information and education; our society seems exquisitely constructed to prevent just that. Furthermore, our financial institutions increasingly utilize scams such as these to prey upon those of us with reduced access to information, education and just plain old credit.

But perhaps there is something of even greater importance that Let’s Make A Deal illuminates. Did the marriage between the suppression of critical thinking at the heart of modern marketing combined with new techniques of probability sophistry that Let’s Make A Deal pioneered foreshadow the development of our current casino economy? That would make the ‘Monty Hall Problem’ and Let’s Make A Deal both ingenious and insidious.

The Full Monty

There is a third Monty, of course, The Full Monty by which I mean ‘showing it all’. That is my Monty of choice. I suspect that this term has its roots in the Three Card Monte con game, although I have yet to see that documented. It is the perfect solution to both Three Card Monte and the so-called ‘Monty Hall Problem’. Both rely on concealment, as one doesn’t ‘see’ everything in either con game. But when you do The Full Monty, as with the film of the same name, you are stripping the problem down to its essence, forcing the House to show all. And that’s what both of these con games need–exposure, sunlight, understanding.

After all, sometimes our intuition is correct as when we get that feeling in our gut that ‘the game is fixed’, our horizons limited, our choices winnowed down, our effective parameters of action squeezed shut. Perhaps because there is no other game around, we play. Our political system, with its complete dominance by money, resembles a probability paradox. Our economy is now entirely dependent upon such games, a situation as unstable as it is unsustainable.

Am I suggesting a curtailment of free will? Yes, if you equate the rule of free markets with free will, or money with free speech. In my mind ‘free will’ or ‘free speech’ become moot points in a world where you have no real options other than the cheating version or the sophisticated bullshit version–both empty your pockets. My problem with these ‘problems’ is that within a world of increasing social inequality the last thing we need are more sophisticated scams that suck our wealth and income upwards; that said, I’d welcome one that did just the opposite! And if “money is the root of all evil” we have a provisional answer to the question I asked at the beginning of this essay.

Jonathan Mozzochi
August 1, 2014

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...

The Internet Is Dead

14 Saturday Dec 2013

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

Alternating Current, Direct current, Edison, Google, Open source, Thomas Edison, United States, WikiLeaks

The Internet Is Dead

(Essay)

I’ve always wanted to write something so counterintuitive, something so ‘whacked‘ it probably shouldn’t even be set to print. Then I remember that nothing I write is set to print–writing is now just streams of light sent out using TCP/IP network protocols and reassembled elsewhere. Any apprehension I may have had about being ‘published‘ evaporates. There, I feel better. So here goes.

There is little doubt smart phones have made us more productive and efficient creatures. As entertainment and work aides our wonderfully pixelated digital devices are gently making us over into cyborgs, with few complaints and fewer protests. The burgeoning ‘social connectedness’ offered us through Facebook and Twitter, however, come at the expense of ‘social caregiving’: that all-so-important human warmth we all need to thrive cannot be provided by a cell phone, no matter how often you Skype your estranged loved one. It can only be facilitated, or impeded, by the device. Strange, how as screens proliferate and we become more ‘connected’ we are also more socially detached from one another. But that is the flexible ethical dimension inherent to all technology, none more so than ‘dual-use’ technology. And nothing is so emblematic of that dimension than the internet, originally a project of the Pentagon, or so the story goes.

A signature genius of the internet is its ability to reproduce the entirety of its network within any given node, sort of like a fractal in geometry or a rhizome in biology. A fractal is a ‘self-same’ pattern repeated at different scales, while a rhizome functions such that if any piece of a root system is cut from the whole, each piece may give rise to a new plant which will reproduce the organism from whence it came. Contrast this network model (can you imagine the hand wringing that must have gone on within the Pentagon over early versions of the internet?) with that of broadcast television, print media or radio–you can take out a station or tower and the whole network goes down. The internet is horizontal and reflexive; old media unidirectional and vertical. Any unit of the internet is self-sufficient and can exist independently, although full expression is only achieved through connection–being a part of the network. That’s the original genius of the internet preserved in such projects as Wikipedia, WikiLeaks and Open Source Software. It does not reside in Facebook, Google, Microsoft or Apple.

The freedom of the internet has been under constant attack since its inception. We have lost too many battles, perhaps the war. Metastasizing corporations have largely won out, with the Citizens United ruling enshrining the concept of a corporation with all the rights of a person, but none of the responsibilities. The hierarchy so anathema to the genius of the internet has triumphed through pricing people out of the market, political censorship, and monopoly of content. There is a certain poetic injustice in the iconic image of a slum dweller with nothing to eat, clutching a cell phone. The very spread of an inegalitarian internet and its offspring (cell phones) requires the immiseration of human beings.

Recently I picked up my 10-year-old from middle school. As we were making our way home with hundreds of other guardians and their charges, slowly snaking our way through mid-day traffic, I had Max note how many people were ‘dumb driving’ with their ‘smart phones’. The anecdotal evidence suggests that, at least in Marin County, California, we have reached the tipping point. The majority of drivers appeared to be ‘texting while driving’. The use of this technology is now impinging upon our ability to safely conduct our children to and from school.

There they were, heads down squinting into their screens, one hand up on the steering wheel, the other hunting and pecking, all the while operating a ‘loaded weapon’. Something has to give here–and it won’t be our screen time. Perhaps you sit up, excited and ask, does this behavior prefigure coming driverless cars? The Cult of Innovation says we will have such futuristic and cool stuff soon enough and that the rough edges of inequality will be smoothed over. I say we should be mindful not to drive right into such logical cul-de-sacs where we end up forgetting that all technological inventions and innovations are not just defined by their usefulness, but by an ethical dimension that is constantly in flux. When we uncritically celebrate an invention or innovation, an inventor or innovator, we become incapable of evaluating the role such technology plays in our lives. And that suits those among us who thrive on hierarchy, inequality, monopoly and violence.

The shorthand story of the rivalry between Thomas Edison and Nicolai Tesla is also instructive here. Edison, whose name is synonymous with American ingenuity, was also a ruthless businessman. He developed Direct Current (DC) electricity, but because of the nature of DC power a labor and capital intensive system of sub-stations had to be built every few hundred yards in order to deliver the electricity to paying customers. Moreover, DC, on it’s own, was more dangerous than AC. There was, of course, an alternative. Edison deliberately thwarted the development of Alternating Current (AC) so as to undermine his main business rival, Westinghouse and AC’s inventor, Nicolai Tesla. Tesla, as the story goes, tried to bring to market AC current but was met by an early negative publicity campaign where Edison arranged for the public electrocution of animals–a carnival show bait and switch melodrama–which he blamed on AC power. Aside from being an early example of public relations, Edison’s obsession with profit would extend the life of his ‘steampunk’ industrial substation network far beyond its usefulness, an effort to preserve profit that actually thwarted technological progress and extended and deepened inequality.

A contemporary example of corporate maldevelopment is the well-documented FUD (Fear, Uncertainty and Doubt) campaigns waged against Open Source Software, Wikipedia and Wikileaks. These ventures are collaborative, not-for-profit ventures that contain within them a more egalitarian, and dare I say so, efficient means of organizing information.

When most people think of Apple, Microsoft and Google, they think of 21st Century paragons of innovation. I think of what damage has come with that innovation, and what’s to come.

END

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...

History Through Horror: The Classical Eugenics Movement and Homo Sapiens 1900

12 Thursday Dec 2013

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

Charles Darwin, Darwin, Francis Galton, Frankenstein, Homo Sapiens, Human, Jean-Baptiste Lamarck

History Through Horror: The Classical Eugenics Movement and Homo Sapiens 1900 

By Jonathan Mozzochi

December, 2013

Contents

1. Introduction

2. ‘Reading’ Homo Sapiens 1900

3. Origins and Opposition

4. Trajectory 

–The Russian Version–Lenin’s Brain

–The German Version–Blood and Body

–The Swedish Version–‘Consensual’ Sterilization

–The American Version–Prefiguring the Nazi Holocaust

5. Decline 

6. Isms

7. Eugenics Residuals

–‘Human Directed Evolution’

–Kennewick Man

–‘Race’-Based Medicine

–Elasticity of ‘Race’

–Thoroughbreds and Prisons 

–Rand Paul 

–Michael Crichton

8. Conclusion

Introduction

Peter Cohen’s 2000 film Homo Sapiens 1900 explores the turn-of-the-century ‘eugenics’ movement, an effort by academics, business elites, civic groups and public officials to ‘racially cleanse’ populations through often coercive measures including, but not limited to: control of sexual reproduction (selective breeding), forced sterilization, and euthanasia programs. The movement is shown to have prefigured the European Holocaust and is effectively captured through the film-within-a-film iconic image of a physician who allows an ‘inferior’ baby to die so as to spare society the burden of its upkeep. The scene includes this chilling caption: “There are times when saving a life is a greater crime than taking one.”

A bit more horror show than documentary (think Nosferatu meets Ken Burns’ Civil War)Homo Sapiens 1900 shocks while it informs. In this respect the film adheres to the conventions of its genre; but the very novelty of its approach (history through horror) is also its achilles heel. While Homo Sapiens 1900 effectively conveys the monstrosity of the eugenics project and strikes the right tone in doing so (somber, melancholy, compassionate) it also prevents us from regarding it in a contemporary setting–there really is nothing to relate to here, but plenty to recoil from.

By shining light on the origins, trajectory and ‘decline’ of the classical eugenics movement, Homo Sapiens 1900 can help us expose an inchoate, if potentially far more powerful and destructive movement, all around us today. We need to ask: How did the eugenics movement become an accepted science of its time? How did it become embedded in ivory towers, from Cambridge to Berlin, Stockholm to Moscow? Under what conditions did the movement arise and eventually dissipate?  In what novel forms is the movement still with us?

The film asks and answers these questions; it’s our job to evaluate those efforts.

‘Reading’ Homo Sapiens 1900

Homo Sapiens 1900 unsettles through its film score (a piano accompaniment that is alternatively sparse, melancholy, dissonant, and strange) narration (think Rod Steiger of The Twilight Zone meets Walter Cronkite) and entirely black and white still photos and film from the era–many jarring and bizarre. The film’s motif, “The image of man fills us at times with compassion”, conveys a somber pessimism that envelopes us. Yet the overall effect is curiously reassuring as it distances us from its subject. This distancing makes it difficult to identify the persistence of old forms of eugenics; it makes it even more difficult to spot the emergence of any new forms.

Whenever we see a film that is set in the past we tend to project our values there–overlay the narrative, if you will–with our judgments and biases. What seems bizarre to us now may have been a normative idea of that time. For instance, recall those archetypal categories of physical anthropology, the ‘Great Races’? The Caucasoid, Negroid, Mongoloid and Australoid? How mundane does ‘race betterment’ sound next to ‘Mongoloid’? Unfortunately the context within which the eugenics movement flourished is not examined very well; academic and activist opposition to these ideas are only skirted and woefully undeveloped.

The ‘It’s Alive!’ scene from the 1931 film Frankenstein appears near the beginning of Homo Sapiens 1900: “Frankenstein: enlightened reason transformed into a nightmare. The scientist as the terrifying symbol of the utopian era,” a warning about the hubris of man’s attempts to control nature and perhaps cheat death. Cohen (the film maker) clearly regards the eugenics movement as a ‘road to hell paved with good intentions’ and the use of the Frankenstein clip is undoubtedly a convenient and effective framing device. It also, unfortunately, contributes to the film’s inability to grasp the particulars of each eugenics movement, none more so than the American experience. After all, Frankenstein is a morality tale about a heart-broken, rogue scientist while the eugenics movement featured powerful institutions laying the groundwork for genocide.

Origins & Opposition

The term ‘eugenics’ has its origins with Francis Galton (1822-1911), the British polymath who coined it as a means to redress the injustice of his observation that “‘inferior people’ procreate more rapidly.” The film’s narrator aptly summarizes Galton’s scientific racism: “the idea that life, society, [and] the family can be cultivated like a garden, in which the weeds must be distinguished from the useful plants, is something Galton wants to develop into a science. He calls his idea ‘eugenics’: the control of natural selection.”

As used here at the film’s outset ‘natural selection’ and ‘homo sapiens’ reference Charles Darwin’s signature theory of human evolution; indeed, they are inexplicable without it. But other than these instances, the film makes no mention of Darwin, and does not discuss the influence of his ideas on eugenics. This is a glaring omission–although in saying as much I feel a need to state clearly that I don’t consider Darwin’s ideas to be inherently racist, much less uniquely responsible for the eugenics movement. I can’t help think the film maker either intentionally omitted such background for reasons of economy (which is unfortunate) or, perhaps  internal censorship, (which is regrettable). Perhaps Cohen didn’t think the material was relevant? Perhaps he was fearful that his art would be subject to misinterpretation and/or willful misuse and abuse by fundamentalists of all stripes?

In any case, our narrator locates the philosophical roots of the eugenics movement in Enlightenment Europe, particularly in ideas popularized by Kant and Rousseau that human beings are the only self-reflective creature able to intentionally alter its environment and, reflexively, itself. The idea of improving, or perfecting, ‘races’ through scientific intervention, followed. This notion was given new meaning when harnessed to advances in biology, in particular the study of heredity. The movement found ample echoes in the ‘high arts’, in particular sculpture, painting, poetry and literature. “The concept of degeneration now has an optimistic antithesis: biology as the redeemer of the western world” the narrator intones.

There were two main schools of thought regarding heredity: Mendelism, so-called by the followers of Gregor Mendel (1822-1884) the founder of the science of genetics, which held that subjective characteristics (e.g., beauty) are not subject to generational alteration through human intervention and that the environment does not directly shape heredity and, Lamarckism, named for the followers of Jean-Baptiste Lamarck, (1744-1829) who held that one could intervene in heredity to alter traits, including subjective traits (e.g., intelligence). Both schools of thought are examined through debate carried on during the 5th International Conference on Hereditary Research held in Berlin in 1927.  While the Mendelists were proven right, there were many variations of eugenics followers, from nudists to communists, and some were Mendelists while others took a more Lamarckian approach to the matter.  The film does a good job of illustrating the cultural milieu within which this debate took place, but does not effectively show how racism could remain potent after one version of the hereditary debate was vanquished: i.e., the elimination of Lamarkism as a viable model for the interpretation of heredity did not eliminate a racist interpretation of Mendelism. The very notion of effecting heredity–from any direction, if you will–can be harnessed to the forever plastic idea of ‘race’. This insight suggests a permanency to such ideas, i.e., so long as discrete ‘races’ persist, notions of ‘improving’ them using ‘science’ will naturally follow.

The film does not discuss these points.

Practitioners of eugenics used two approaches to better a ‘race’: so-called ‘positive eugenics’ or directed breeding, the encouragement of the ‘best’ people to reproduce; and, ‘negative eugenics’, the culling of the herd or pruning of the stock, discouraging ‘inferior’ races from breeding. Attempts to employ these approaches culminated in the euthanasia of babies, the ‘mercy killing’ of the genetically unfit and, of course, the Holocaust, which can be understood at least in part as an effort to apply ‘negative eugenics’ on a global scale.

Weren’t there academics and activists opposed to the hogwash of utopian racialism that eugenics represented? There were, but they are practically invisible in this film. Raymond Pearl, an American scientist in attendance for the 5th International Heredity Conference makes an appearance to deny that “there is any evidence supporting eugenics”; but his is a lonely voice in the film–and conspicuously American. Likewise, academia in general, and physical and cultural anthropologists, sociologists, and biologists in particular, are made out to have been largely united in support of eugenics.

Where is the opposition? Nowhere. This omission serves the artifice of horror at the expense of history. It is enough to note that the ‘father of American anthropology’, Franz Boas (1858-1942) was also “one of the most prominent opponents of the then popular ideologies of scientific racism…” (Wikipedia, Franz Boas) and that Boas often feuded with Madison Grant (1865-1937) “the prophet of scientific racism”(Jonathan Spiro, in Patterns of Prejudice, 2002). Grant was also a close friend of President Theodore Roosevelt and a ‘grandfather’ of the modern environmental movement. Together with co-founding the ‘Save the Redwoods League’ and supporting innovative wildlife management techniques and conservation efforts, Grant also took an active role in shaping anti-immigration policies and anti-miscegenation laws.

This the film leaves on the cutting room floor?

Trajectory 

Homo Sapiens 1900 examines four varieties of the eugenics movement: the American, Swedish, German and Russian. Each is contextualized within a broader trend of ‘utopian movements’ prevalent during that time period–the two most influential being communism and fascism. Eugenics became popular because utopian, or well-meaning but misguided efforts to improve society were susceptible to the elegant lie of progress through racial science, or so the film argues. Racialist ideas combined with advances in science were supercharged by utopian ideas. Such efforts reached a tipping point of influence when harnessed to a powerful state, where “the nation ranks higher than the individual.”

The Russian Version–Lenin’s Brain

In newly triumphant revolutionary Russia (1917), the death of Lenin (1924) occasioned the establishment of a eugenics institute dedicated to studying ‘genius’. Lenin’s brain, together with that of other scientists, artists, dictators and democrats were preserved in a glass display case in the hopes of discerning the biological foundations of intelligence.

Homo Sapiens 1900 also explores the ‘utopianism’ at the center of the Russian Revolution noting that at least one Soviet scientist considered eugenics the “religion of the future and it awaits its prophets.” Herman Joseph Muller, an American geneticist and radical, is also an anti-racist who believes that the correct application of eugenics will breed a new generation of geniuses in the mold of Marx and Lenin. Conversely, he just as strongly argues that the incorrect application of its principles will produce monsters in the mold of Al Capone and Billy Sunday. Lost, of course, is the notion that eugenics itself is nonsense. In the Soviet version, however “ideas of degeneracy and decay play a subordinate role” to breakthroughs in the biological sciences, however poorly they are understood.

In any case, the movement is eventually demolished by Joseph Stalin (in his own inimitable fashion) when he brands “eugenics, genetics and fascism” as one and the same–throwing out the baby with the bathwater, as it were. The famines already experienced by the Soviet masses, and those to come, were informed by this decision. Some of the most frightening film clips are those from (presumably) Soviet propaganda films that feature lines of industrial workers pounding hammer to anvil in unison, to the following narration: “Higher capacity–physical and intellectual– leads to increased productivity. The scientific organization of labor will harmonize man and machine.” The ‘young state’ tries to apply the faulty principles of Lamarckism–with updated twists from the Soviet scientist Trofim Lysenko,  to poultry and cattle and then to breeding people, but (thankfully) doesn’t get very far. The upshot here is that the Soviet version of eugenics was tolerated by, and ultimately destroyed by, Stalin.

The German Version–Blood and Body

The German version features the physician Alfred Plutz advocating the euthanasia of babies with morphine and the coinage of the term ‘race hygiene’. Early ideas of selectively breeding humans and of the supremacy of biology are central here and the movement infiltrates and conquers German academia with its racial anthropology and notions of ‘blood purity‘. While the film doesn’t reference the back-to-nature, youth movement of the Wondervogel directly, it’s influence is everywhere in the art selected to represent the budding German eugenics movement. The nudism and anti-modern elements of the movement are an interesting contrast to the Russian version of ‘the new socialist man.’ In Germany, protecting the body demands strict guidelines against ‘racial mixing‘ which is believed will lead to degeneration and doom. The role of anti-Semitism in all this is curiously unexplored. Unsurprisingly, Hitler’s National Socialist Party is the first to adopt a policy on ‘race hygiene‘ into its platform. By the early 1930s, eugenics is official state policy.

We know the rest of that story.

The Swedish Version–‘Consensual’ Sterilization

The Swedish variety is fascinating and not as well known. As in the German and American varieties, a pioneering scientist, Herman Lundborg, visits prisons, parishes and ‘mad houses‘ to measure and evaluate inferior peoples. The film presents Swedish society in the 1920s and 1930s as “a progressive social welfare state within which ethnic conflict is virtually unknown.” How that was achieved, we are not told. But, the eugenics movement is again ‘supercharged’ as “the nation ranks higher than the individual” and race hygiene merges with the welfare state. Sterilization laws are passed “unanimously” by parliament (although not until the 1930s) and in a twist perhaps unique to Sweden and the Swedes, “the sterilization law is not compulsory. The Swedish variety is democratic. Opposition shall be overcome through persuasion.” The “passion for social justice” at the center of the Swedish ethos hangs on, if in attenuated form.

In all, Swedish eugenics policies are perhaps less monstrous than those of other states but they last–get this–well into the 1970s.

The American Version–Prefiguring the Nazi Holocaust

The American version, we are told, “gains support through an aggressive campaign against blacks and immigrants” and that “nowhere else is it so strong”. The movement is anchored in granges, eccentric scholars and then-novel forms of mass entertainment (silent movies). Again, all of this is true, but not the whole picture.

How about who funded the movement? What institutional connections did it have?

Charles Davenport, a renowned Harvard Zoologist is an early figure who set up a ‘eugenics record office’ on Long Island where field workers collected ‘eugenics data’ in mental wards, prisons and hospitals on millions of index cards (this nicely prefigures IBM’s complicity in the Holocaust.) Davenport also exemplifies that peculiar American trait of entrepreneurship, in this case wedding the profit motive to ‘racial science’, of singular importance to the spread of the nascent American eugenics movement. Of course that is my observation, not Cohens’.

In America the world’s first sterilization laws were passed early (1907) and broadly (20 states). The American Eugenics Society would hold competitions at fairs where medical measurements are taken of participants who are then judged on ‘intelligence’ and ‘pedigree’. This nicely illustrates the movement’s street credibility, it’s resonance within American culture at large, together with the movement’s fixation on measurement, rank and classification–the trappings of modern scientific inquiry.

There is no better example of the movement’s self-assurance than The Black Stork (1917; re-released in 1924 as Are You Fit to Marry?) which sought to answer the touchstone moral question of whether to allow an ‘inferior’ baby to grow up an outcast, condemned to a life of misery for itself and (by implication) others. The film resolves the question through the application of eugenic infanticide (‘compassionate murder’) which is at the centerpiece of this silent eugenics propaganda film. The film is a re-enactment of a very public effort to apply the then novel philosophy of eugenics to an (incorrectly diagnosed) syphilitic boy. The Black Stork features the real-life doctor in whose care the child was entrusted, Dr. Harry J. Haiselden who plays the fictional Dr. Dickey. 

Whereas in reality the child is condemned to death, in the film the doctor is prevented from applying his theory of eugenics and the child grows up to be a “shunned monstrosity” (Wikipedia ‘The Black Stork’). Haiselden intended the film as a “date night movie for couples” who would be spurred to consider ‘race betterment’ when starting a family. Homo Sapiens 1900 introduces us to an emblematic controversy of American eugenics, but without any historical context. The defense attorney Clarence Darrow weighed in on the issue at the time–in support of Haiselden–which would have been interesting to know; instead, we are treated to a compelling, if narrow, horror show ‘set piece.’

The film cherry-picks old, turn of the century images of eugenics meetings at grange halls but fails to identify the fertile soil of white supremacy and anti-black racism that American society provided for newfangled ideas of ‘racial hygiene’. The influence of business elites on funding and directing the movement was not insubstantial, although almost entirely missing in the film. It is one thing to say Charles Davenport founded a eugenics laboratory on Long Island; it’s quite another to learn that the Carnegie Institution funded it or that, according to Edwin Black’s The Horrifying American Roots of Nazi Eugenics, the movement “would have been so much bizarre parlor talk had it not been for extensive financing by corporate philanthropies, specifically the Carnegie Institution, the Rockefeller Foundation and the Harriman railroad fortune…in league with some of America’s most respected scientists hailing from such prestigious universities as Stanford, Yale, Harvard, and Princeton.”

And this: “Stanford president David Starr Jordan originated the notion of “race and blood” in his 1902 racial epistle “Blood of a Nation,” in which the university scholar declared that human qualities and conditions such as talent and poverty were passed through the blood.”

Or this: “The Harriman railroad fortune paid local charities, such as the New York Bureau of Industries and Immigration, to seek out Jewish, Italian and other immigrants in New York and other crowded cities and subject them to deportation, trumped up confinement or forced sterilization.”

There is an almost complete absence of anything regarding the economics of the movement, in particular any demographic data about its adherents or much about the institutions that funded its efforts. The eugenics movement appears–as Frankenstein–then after a struggle, is dispensed with.

Throughout all this I think Cohen overstates the ideological aspect of the movement–the utopianism–at the expense of other features.There are implications for this overstatement. For instance, the utopian drive to improve humanity that eugenics promised suggests that in a more staid and calm environment such ideas would not have taken off. That the eugenics movement wouldn’t have had the impact it did–that it wouldn’t have led to the Holocaust without a ‘utopian’ aspect–is a perfectly reasonable argument to make. But other wellsprings of horror contributed to the spread and popularity of eugenics ideas. Unfortunately the strangeness of the pictorial and filmic images reinforces the horror show aspect of the endeavor, making it difficult to link these images with pre-existing structures of racial stratification and gender inequality, in particular. Family structures, for instance, could drive, or mitigate against, eugenics. And what about religion? Christianity in particular?

Decline

Homo Sapiens 1900 suggests the American eugenics movement reached its full expression in sterilization laws, but went no further; that the less utopian American system rejected the movement quicker; and, that utopian overreach was limited by American democracy, and the damage, while reprehensible, contained. In contrast to the American experience, the effects on Swedish society were longer lasting because of that society’s melding of the ‘welfare state’ to eugenics; its (utopian) ‘passion for social justice’ perverted by a nightmare of false perfectionism. The German variety devolved into targeted genocide and the Soviet version occupational extermination, with good measures of ethnic cleansing to round out whatever 5-year-plan was underway at the time–both societies under the heel of full-blown utopian/totalitarian dictatorships.

Homo Sapiens 1900 contains an implicit argument about the decline of eugenics. Cohen argues that the movement was extinguished primarily through exposure to the light of modern genetics, which set in relief the ‘backward’ nature of eugenics. Add to this the growing involvement of America in the Allied effort during WWII and its implied ‘multi-racialism’ and the disturbing example of Nazi extermination policies, all combined to illustrate the movement’s ultimate, nefarious ends.

But I think something else is in play here. America dispensed with its eugenics movement when it did and how it did not because it rejected the ideas of eugenics per se, nor because it suddenly had to fight a war against the Nazis (both of which the film argues) but because it had other eugenics measures already in place–such as anti-miscegenation and hypo-descent laws, state enforced segregation of schools, housing and work, etc. Besides, I’ll bet more than a few white Americans considered eugenics ‘pointy-headed’ nonsense.

“We already cull our herd quite well, thank you very much,” I can hear them grousing.

An American version of eugenics had already been in place for generations: It was called slavery, and later, segregation (de jure and de facto). A brutal racial caste system predated the classical eugenics movement in America; therefore, there was not a great need for ‘racial hygiene’, as most of those functions were already legally and extra-legally in place. What this film fails to convey is the deep racial inequality that served as the cradle within which eugenics thrived, but ultimately, was undone by–it’s horizon limited by its redundancy.

Additionally, as the film notes took place in Germany, unanticipated institutional pressures may come to bear on any social movement. When Heinrich Himmler’s SS was criticized for the ‘positive eugenics’ effort to establish what were taken to be ‘human breeding farms’, the romantic love at the center of the bourgeois family appeared to be threatened. The film notes that this German program was phased out, while negative eugenics programs continued full steam ahead–you didn’t need breeding farms to kill undesirables. But this interplay of interests is not discussed with regard the American setting, with its deeply conservative Christianity and preformationist ideas (‘homunculus’ anyone?) that likely served as a backstop for certain eugenics efforts. This opposition to ‘positive eugenics’ says nothing about ‘negative eugenics’ programs, which were already an integral part of the American social landscape.

Isms

Arguing that the different versions of the eugenics movement were primarily expressions of the totalitarian ‘isms’ of that era, most conspicuously communism and fascism, Homo Sapiens 1900 poses American democracy as the ‘best of the rest.’ While conceding that eugenics found expression in American society–indeed, the film’s understandable pessimism is rooted in the observation that eugenics ideas were able to find fertile soil in all types of ‘civilized’ nations–it also argues that the movement dissipated quickest in America because there was no totalitarian dictatorship or welfare state to nourish it. Gains in science, especially genetics, were most pronounced in America where eugenics was eventually exposed as a ‘backwards’ science that could not withstand the light of day.

But this is misleading as the ‘utopianism’ so evident in Sweden, Germany and the Soviet Union also had an unexplored doppelganger in the nascent American empire which had already identified itself as the actually existing liberation of humanity; a utopia ready for export. While the Soviet and Nazi versions of utopia strived to create a ‘new man’, the American version offered itself as a ready-made, actually existing ‘new man’. And this utopia had the power, and riches, to export it. It also, apparently, didn’t need eugenics in that particular form, to do so. In any case, it doesn’t matter that the American version was perhaps less utopian and less totalitarian, or coddling, than other societies; what mattered is that the American version already had those structures of oppression in place. That’s why the movement expired quicker there. The film’s narrative here occludes concepts such as ‘Manifest Destiny’ and American empire building as meaningful to explaining the eugenics movement in the United States–and that’s unfortunate.

How is it that segregation in the United States is never mentioned in this film? What else is neglected during this time? How were issues of reproductive rights–birth control and abortion–woven into this movement? Where these issues intersect with racism and racial science–the film never says.

American anti-miscegenation and hypo-descent laws helped provide the stock for the stew within which ‘racial hygiene’ ideas were slowly cooked, and made to taste delicious. The Ku Klux Klan would make a massive public appearance soon after the nadir of American eugenics, further altering the American political landscape on issues of ‘race’. I can only imagine how ideas of heredity and genetics played out in that context.

There is no mention of this in Homo Sapiens 1900.

What’s needed is a follow up effort to answer some of these questions.

Eugenics Residuals

There is a disconnect between our received notions of race, racial categories, and racism and all those advances in biotechnology with their specificity,  scientific method and peer review processes. The certainty of our advances in knowledge concerning genes, chromosomes, DNA, genetic engineering, etc., is only matched by the sheer complexity such knowledge has uncovered, and continues to uncover. I’m reminded of the overused, yet still pertinent expression that there are more connections in our brains than stars in the universe. We are infinitely complex, a creature at once unsolvable and uncontrollable. And that’s good. With sufficient concentration of power, however, perhaps exercised through new biotechnology, we could become something else: Frankenstein’s monster, perhaps.

Human Directed Evolution (HDE)

If it is in American foreign policy that “the advisory imagination can roam–run riot, even–with a liberty impossible at home” (Perry Anderson, New Left Review, ‘American Foreign Policy and Its Thinkers’, No. 83, Sept./Oct. 2013) it should come as no surprise that it is in the elite policy journal, Foreign Affairs, published by the Council on Foreign Relations, that the subject of eugenics can be broached. The biotechnologist Craig Venter of ‘mapping the human genome’ fame is now creating ‘synthetic life’, we are told, while biologists and geneticists are discussing ‘human directed evolution’. Let’s abbreviate that term ‘HDE’. (Laurie Garrett and Ron Noble, Foreign Affairs, “Biology’s Brave New World” Nov.Dec. 2013). That quote is correct–‘human directed evolution.’ How far is that from Galton’s shorthand definition of eugenics as ‘the control of natural selection’?

Venter is recorded gushing, “What we have done so far is going to blow your freakin’ mind” a comment that registers all the solemnity and pathos of a professional wrestling match. Venter’s ‘game-changing experiment’, as the authors describes it, unpacks as utopian overreach; perhaps shot through with a cult of innovation and an attendant celebrity worship. In keeping with the sports metaphors, I find such ‘cheerleading’ repugnant. The Foreign Affairs article, enmeshed as it is within the antiseptic confines of ‘national security’ considerations, fails to apprehend its subject matter, as worrisome a state of affairs as must have confronted Franz Boaz in his time.

Of course the prior eugenics movement had its cult of innovative scientists and utopian dreamers. Left to their own devices–and they often were–their programs paved the way for genocide. Do our contemporary paragons of innovation resemble so many oracles sifting through the entrails of a genetically modified cow so as to divine the next spasm of wealth creation and how to capture its inevitable flow upward? Will there be horrific unintended consequences as a result of their actions? Is there a new road to hell being paved?

History will tell.

What’s certain is that such scientific innovations as genetic engineering are taking place within a world of globalized consumer capitalism, in many places uprooting traditional forms of social cohesion and deepening social inequality. By harnessing a profit motive to poorly understood scientific innovations controlled by immensely powerful corporations, all within a context of deep racial and economic inequality, we could be witnessing the reemergence of a frightening, new eugenics movement.

Let’s take a moment to pause, and reflect upon the elements of the horror show that  is Homo Sapiens 1900. 

What of Homo Sapiens 2013?

Kennewick Man

In 1996 an ancient skeleton was unearthed along the banks of the Columbia River on the border of Oregon and Washington. A paleoanthropologist, Dr. James Chatters, did the heavy lifting on the remains, sorting some 350 bones and subjecting them to a battery of tests demanded by his discipline. Dr. Chatters then commissioned a reconstruction of the skeleton’s skull, by then dubbed ‘Kennewick Man’ for a nearby city, and the resulting visage bore a startling resemblance to the actor Patrick Stewart. Together with Dr. Chatters’ comment that he thought the skeleton most likely of ‘Caucasoid’ descent, Kennewick Man attracted the attention of a racialist pagan group, The Asatru Alliance. The ‘look’ of the skeleton suggested white people populated North America first, and were therefore America’s true indigenous peoples.

During this time I operated a small not-for-profit human rights organization in nearby Portland, Oregon called the Coalition for Human Dignity. Kennewick Man came to represent a stand-in for white America’s struggles with declining demography, Indians (the Umatilla Tribe claimed the skeleton as their descendent) and science.  Throughout the years, the skeleton has continued to carry with it an undeniably ideological component, perhaps ignited by scientists who still cannot agree as to its ultimate origins and inflamed by racists. DNA testing, furthermore, has not set the origin story of Kennewick Man definitively to rest.

As an example of the far-right using our plastic notions of race for their purposes and thereby extending this enduring controversy is a March 19, 2012 article on the website of the white supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens, the modern heirs to the white citizens councils of the Jim Crow era. An article entitled “Kennewick Man Revisited: The Cover-Up of Kennewick Man” by Kyle Bristow includes this gem in its second sentence: “An archeologist [Chatters] who studied the dimensions of the skull concluded that the skeleton belonged to a long dead Caucasoid–white–male…” Here the author sloppily conflates ‘Caucasoid’ with ‘white’–the first an anthropological term of dubious scientific value but undeniable contemporary resonance, the second a proxy for the author’s ‘race’–and we are left with the lurid and the absurd, as in that Patrick Stewart reconstruction.

It is but a small jump from racialist ideas about our origins to ‘race based medicine’ and ‘positive eugenics’.

Race-Based Medicine

An insidious example of contemporary eugenics residual appears in the discipline of Pharmacogenomics, a term that blends pharmacology and genomics and seeks to ‘personalize medicine’ by tailoring drugs to a person’s unique genetic makeup. That sounds promising. But there is evidence that the discipline involves ‘race-based medicine’, especially when advertising is involved. Wikipedia defines ‘race-based medicine’ as “the term for medicines that are targeted at specific ethnic clusters which are shown to have a propensity for a certain disorder.”

BiDil, a medication to treat congestive heart failure, was first licensed to be used with patients who ‘self-identified’ as black in the mid-2000s (so much for ‘ethnic clusters’ as the ‘science’ behind the treatment). Of course the first round of trials (experiments) would be targeted at African-Americans–did you think it could be otherwise? After the initial trials the drug was approved by the FDA, but the marketing of Bidil showed itself to be more ‘utopian’ than practical. According to Wikipedia: “This peculiar trial and licensing procedure has prompted suggestions that the licensing was in fact used as a race-based advertising scheme…Critics are concerned that the trend of research on race-specific pharmaceutical treatments will result in inequitable access to pharmaceutical innovation and smaller minority groups may be ignored.”

Subsequent studies of the drug confirmed its effectiveness among some people, but what ‘people’ is the unanswered question. The problem here lies in the relationship between one’s ‘genome’ and one’s ‘self-identified’ racial classification, and how companies should be allowed to market such products. The two concepts–‘race’ and a person’s ‘genomic map’–having multiple, overlapping and exclusive, realms. This is no problem for Henry I. Miller whose September 10, 2013 article “Race, Medicine and Political Correctness” published in the conservative Hoover Institution journal Defining Ideas comes to the winning conclusion that the solution to the problem is simple: “follow the data”. To which I would respond: Who’s following the people following the data? After deregulating, defunding and ultimately destroying agencies that would be best positioned to offer sound answers to such questions, Miller and his ilk suggest that ‘the market’ will do it. Everything else is ‘political correctness’. The subheading to this article is instructive and contains within itself the absurdity of the author’s argument: “If a drug works better for black people than whites, shouldn’t we say so to save lives?” But that is precisely what the study did not establish–only that the drug worked better for some people with particular genetic markers or genomic maps. If Miller had any ethical or intellectual ground to stand on, that is exactly what he shouldn’t say.

For Miller the lesson here is that ‘science’ is being distorted by ‘political correctness’. That’s an inelegant lie, betrayed by the articles subheading. What is actually happening is that the carnivorous jello that is ‘race’ has been opportunistically attached to a medical innovation that is itself poorly understood. The results, predictably, have a disproportionate impact on people of color.

All of this ignores the obvious: that the profit motive, when left to its own devices, will ‘find a way’ to exploit, and thereby distort, any treatment. Where ‘race’ is brought into it, or its proxies such as ‘ethnic clusters’, the plasticity of options are endless with medical treatments that resemble ‘race-based’ alcoholic beverages, video games, clothing and cars. Of course quite apart from the efficacy of any treatment is the question of access to it, a subject relegated to the mysteries of our free market system.

Elasticity of ‘Race’

Leonard Zeskind, President of the Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights (IREHR), an anti-racist think tank, is fond of explaining the persistence, elasticity and absurdity of the concept of ‘race’ in America through an anecdote on the Mexican American War (1846-1848). One faction of American elites was pro-war and wanted to intervene in Mexico–they were the interventionists. The anti-war or anti-interventionist side opposed the war, but on the grounds that they didn’t want their ‘blood’ mixing with that of an inferior people. The pro-war side defended its position by arguing invasion did not necessarily mean ‘race mixing’–they were just as anti-miscegenation as their loyal opponents. Both sides believed Mexicans were inferior and that white people were innately superior. This narrow ideological spectrum constituted what was acceptable debate; anything outside of it was anathema. Invade or don’t invade, pro-war or anti-war–everyone was a white supremacist.

While that spectrum of debate appears quite narrow today, it was normative then; what’s normative now may appear bizarre in the future.

Thoroughbreds & Prisons

For another contemporary eugenics residual take thoroughbred horse racing–elitist, hereditary, and ‘scientific’, served up in a casino-driven, cult of the celebrity economy. Here the full weight and precision of the science of genetic breeding is joined with the profit motive in a conspicuous display of ‘sport.’ What a thrill the owner must feel sipping Mint Juleps, his horse galloping to riches while his human offspring are granted legacies at elite universities–a sort of eugenics for the hereditary rich masquerading as a meritocracy of the intelligent. These healthy specimens–the progeny of the well-to-do and the horses–will likely receive all the benefits of our modern commercialized health care system, especially its budding ‘race based’ gene therapies, so redolent of ‘positive eugenics’. On the flip-side we can identify ‘negative eugenics’ within the American penal system and its roughly 2 million imprisoned people (African-Americans criminally–pardon the pun–overrepresented) built over three decades of racialized drug laws (sentencing guidelines for crack cocaine vs. powder, anyone?).

I was not charitable in my description of thoroughbred horse racing above, but as it’s most conspicuous home is Kentucky–home of the Derby and Rand Paul, who has his own version of eugenics he’s fighting against–I’m going to return to it.

Rand Paul

Libertarian standard bearer Rand Paul read from a standard Christian Right anti-eugenics script when, according to the Associated Press (October 28, 2013) he claimed, “In your lifetime, much of your potential — or lack thereof — can be known simply by swabbing the inside of your cheek…Are we prepared to select out the imperfect among us?” For Rand Paul, contemporary eugenics is primarily about reproductive rights–and his desire to eliminate them–and not about equality or how race, class and gender interact with science. However, when the larger academic culture insists, as the writer of this article does, that “All the [eugenics] programs were abandoned by the 1970s after scientists discredited the idea” then we can understand why Rand Paul comes to the conclusions he does without agreeing with those conclusions. Paul’s statement predictably upholds the absurdity of the promise of eugenics even while it condemns it. This is, no doubt, because he has a deeply flawed understanding of ‘race’, and probably genetics.

Michael Crichton

Let’s ask a novelist to weigh in on the subject.

The late Michael Crichton: “The theory of eugenics postulated a crisis of the gene pool leading to the deterioration of the human race. The best human beings were not breeding as rapidly as the inferior ones — the foreigners, immigrants, Jews, degenerates, the unfit, and the ‘feeble minded.’ Francis Galton, a respected British scientist, first speculated about this area, but his ideas were taken far beyond anything he intended.”

While I certainly share Crichton’s outrage at such ideas–who doesn’t– his understanding of eugenics is appalling, and betrays the anti-science, conservative populism at the core of his understanding of the world. The term ‘eugenics’ was coined in 1883 by Galton, but the concept of ‘genetics’ didn’t enter the vernacular until 1905. Therefore there was no ‘crisis of the gene pool’ that kickstarted the eugenics movement, as the concept of a ‘gene pool’ didn’t exist then. Once discovered, the concept took decades after that to propagate throughout the field. Furthermore, the notion that Francis Galton’s ideas were “taken far beyond anything he intended” while true in the sense that anyone dead cannot be held responsible for the posthumous reworking of their cogitations, is cringe worthy for its denial of a more relevant detail of Galton’s work: his scientific racism, so central to the eugenics movement.

Conclusion

A horror-show eugenics most certainly was, but by exaggerating the bizarre aspects of its appeal Homo Sapiens 1900 simultaneously quarantines these ideas into the past and impedes us from considering them in the here and now. We are introduced to many of the primary practitioners of eugenics and the broad outlines of the movement, but other than a lone American at an international conference on heredity (Raymond Pearl) and, perversely, Joseph Stalin, there is virtually no opposition to eugenics shown in the film. Eugenics rises up from its coffin, we scream, the damage is done (to others), then it is vanquished, consigned to the dustbin of history along with all the other ‘utopian movements’ of that time period.

‘Civilization’ marches on.

A contemporary warning, while poetic and moving, comes at the end of the film but fails to convey the resonance contemporary eugenics ideas carry today: “Underneath the streets of the city lie the graveyards of civilization, the biological remnants of heredity…Today we know how heredity works. Research on human genetic makeup is in the vanguard of modern science…As political and social utopian theories lose ground, the biological ideal acquires a new lease on life. Visions on genetics and its social implications occasionally assume utopian proportions.”

Occasionally? That is not very comforting.

From Craig Venter’s mapping of the human genome to the elitism of thoroughbred horse racing, through Michael Crichton’s science-phobic moralism, onwards to Rand Paul’s lamenting the reemergence of ‘eugenics’, to geneticists contemplating HDE, it is, indeed, a brave new world.

Modern economic theory will stress that the inelegant inefficiency of ‘race’ will be ameliorated through the mysteries of competition: the stinkweed of selfishness and personal gain–greed–blossoming into the flower of the common good. Or overall good. Or mostly good. Or better than anyone else’s good. Or, perhaps, just as good as it gets.

In light of modern genomics, what data would one pick to categorize people? Would we still use language? Geography? Phenotypes–skin pigmentation, shape of the nose, eyelids? Genotypes? Genetic maps combined with some of the previous categories? To speak of ‘race’ or ‘racial categories’ in the same sentence as ‘genes’ or ‘genetic expressions’ is to enter into a hell of epistemological confusion characterized by a high degree of absurdity, tragedy and, of course, farce.

The very endeavor is absurd, as there are as many ways to allocate traits, characteristics, qualities, aptitudes, and talents as there are to invent a race. Is it better to speak of population groups here? Yes, but we really run into the same problem, especially if that term is just a proxy for ‘race’ and ‘races’.

The notion of ‘race hygiene’ is preposterous given the incredible heterogeneity of our species and the world within which it exists; but the persistence of these ideas, particularly efforts to map and thereby ‘direct’ elements of the human genome seem to transcend the era within which the classical eugenics movement thrived. Or, alternatively, perhaps that era has persisted in a new form; either way the likelihood of a resurgence of eugenics is real.

The image of man does, indeed, fill us with compassion.

END

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...

Out of Prison, Into Debt: Bank Robbers and Bootstraps

28 Monday Oct 2013

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

≈ 1 Comment

Jonathan Mozzochi's avatarGhosts of Anti-Fascism Past

A Museum to Money

A cheerful young docent began our tour of the Wells Fargo Museum in downtown San Francisco with a ‘Q&A’: How many pioneers can that stagecoach, around which we sit, hold? Ten? Fifteen? The answer ended up being a seemingly impossible number (thirty-something I recall) and our cheerful guide continued loading our fifth-graders from Marin County onto the wagon, one by one, until collectively they resembled a terrifying creature with multiple protruding heads and limbs, rolling and writhing about in search of gold and prey.

At least that’s how I imagine many Native Americans, on first encounter, must have viewed them.

The museum was everything you might expect from a tourist trap devoted to a bank: a dumbed-down chronology of technological innovation and capital accumulation scrubbed of offending data, social conflict, or critical consciousness but with nods to major historical periods (the depression) and the bank’s prescient…

View original post 1,729 more words

Share this:

  • Click to email a link to a friend (Opens in new window) Email
  • Click to share on X (Opens in new window) X
  • More
  • Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) Facebook
Like Loading...
← Older posts
Newer posts →

Subscribe

  • Entries (RSS)
  • Comments (RSS)

Archives

  • February 2023
  • December 2021
  • August 2021
  • July 2021
  • May 2021
  • January 2021
  • November 2020
  • October 2020
  • September 2020
  • August 2020
  • July 2020
  • June 2020
  • May 2020
  • April 2020
  • November 2019
  • September 2019
  • August 2019
  • July 2019
  • June 2019
  • May 2019
  • March 2019
  • February 2019
  • January 2019
  • December 2018
  • November 2018
  • October 2018
  • September 2018
  • June 2018
  • March 2018
  • February 2018
  • January 2018
  • October 2017
  • May 2015
  • April 2015
  • November 2014
  • July 2014
  • December 2013
  • October 2013
  • August 2013
  • July 2013
  • June 2013

Categories

  • Book Review
  • Essay
  • Fiction
  • Memoir
  • Movie Review
  • Podcast Review
  • Portland Anti-Fascist Archives Project
  • Rant
  • Snippets

Meta

  • Create account
  • Log in

Blogs I Follow

  • Counting Crowds
  • Rain Coast Review
  • birchsays
  • BRAINCHILD
  • In Dianes Kitchen
  • Being Zab
  • chrislondon.org
  • Wandering Ambivert
  • The Decolonial Atlas
  • Site Title
  • HARD CRACKERS
  • R.J. Slater
  • ∞
  • strangeparadisehq.wordpress.com/
  • Work With Lapo
  • rajchandran2013
  • Table 41: A Novel by Joseph Suglia
  • Mark Bray
  • Selected Squibs, Scrips, and Essays by Joseph Suglia
  • Democracy & Good Governance

Blog at WordPress.com.

Counting Crowds

Blog of the Crowd Counting Consortium

Rain Coast Review

Thoughts on life... by Donald B. Wilson

birchsays

BRAINCHILD

gehadsjourney.wordpress.com

In Dianes Kitchen

Recipes showing step by step directions with pictures and a printable recipe card.

Being Zab

The Storyteller (Qissa-Go)

chrislondon.org

Wandering Ambivert

The Decolonial Atlas

Site Title

HARD CRACKERS

R.J. Slater

educator, writer, photographer

∞

strangeparadisehq.wordpress.com/

A hotchpotch of random stuff I'm working on... articles, songs, writing/YouTube projects

Work With Lapo

rajchandran2013

4 out of 5 dentists recommend this WordPress.com site

Table 41: A Novel by Joseph Suglia

Mark Bray

Historian. Organizer. Writer.

Selected Squibs, Scrips, and Essays by Joseph Suglia

The Web log of Dr. Joseph Suglia

Democracy & Good Governance

Building A Better World

  • Subscribe Subscribed
    • Ghosts of Anti-Fascism Past
    • Join 35 other subscribers
    • Already have a WordPress.com account? Log in now.
    • Ghosts of Anti-Fascism Past
    • Subscribe Subscribed
    • Sign up
    • Log in
    • Report this content
    • View site in Reader
    • Manage subscriptions
    • Collapse this bar
 

Loading Comments...
 

    %d