Siphoning gasoline from a bowling alley for your sorry-ass van stranded in a cornfield.
MacGuffins–That mechanism, often absurd, that sets the plot in motion.
Actors are cattle.
Punk rock ethos–Low production values, dirty, transgressive, subversive, no fucking talent.
“Boots and Braces”
“Nazi Punks Fuck Off”–Dead Kennedys
The “Scary fucking Nazi” is Kennewick Man
Caucasoid, Mongoloid, Austrauloid, Negroid. Fuck You.
My favorite Desert Island Band–Firewater
Caveat: Must include Cop Shoot Cop–the greatest name for a rock n roll band in the history of rock n roll.
Two takeaways for anti-fascists from The Seirawan Method of playing chess.
- Simplicity, economy of terminology, and a rigorous explication of the principles that govern the game, allows a player to ‘get in the game’.
- Infinite value of the king in chess suggests the ‘infinite value’ of the socialist project–something that must be free from the arbitrary, injurious, and invidious operations that characterize capitalism. The gig economy and Bitcoin suggest the scaling up of the Bit Revolution and the intensification of globalization.
The $350.00 fucking Nike shoe.
The Bit Revolution
The contradiction between the competition of capitalism and the cooperation of democracy.
A Redefinition of Fascism
- Political Geography–(hidden in plain view) Over its 100 year history fascism has always occupied a distinct political geography. As such it is a product of Europe and North America.
- 2. Social Base–cross-class whites, mirrors larger society. Heavy representation within Christian Right, National security security state, fractions of capital at odds with globalization.
- 3. Ideology–white christian nationalism. Sees itself in opposition to the global south and the left when it has an internationalist, anti-racist character. Otherwise, fascism cannibalizes or neutralizes these social forces and adds them to its social base.
- 4. MARS Motor–the fight above and below involving no small amount of para-politics must be engaged.
- 5. Periodization
- Cold War
- 21st Century
Regis Debray’s periodization.
Overdetermination refers to the establishment of parameters, horizons of social and political action. The Cold War didn’t directly determine the nature of fascism in all instances; only constrained its horizons. It also kept it alive. The concept is related to that of Ernst Mandel’s ‘parametric determinism’ and another, the ‘semi-permeable membrane’.
The fascist interregnum.
Fascism and the Bit Revolution.
My method for approaching the problem of fascism gives a nod to the logic associated with the term ‘iteration’, itself inseparable from ‘reiteration’. But my method is more properly recursive, a term that will come around again.
That’s a joke.
Because of the recursive nature of my method, my approach to the problem of fascism may appear bassackwards–just try and roll with it.
That’s another joke.
Iterative and recursive methods of inquiry both assume there is a problem to be solved, a question (or set of questions) to be answered.
An iterative approach to solving the correct path through a maze proceeds until it is blocked, then retraces its steps, and repeats the process with a deviation to accommodate the impasse, until the correct path to the exit is discovered. And that’s fine for a maze, or a series. To link these steps into a unified operation is called an algorithm.
A Picture Puzzle
The Game of Chess
A succession of interrogations. Folding back upon itself in order to unfold and move forward.
The Seirawan Method
The Four Principles
Why doesn’t white win every time, or at least have an unimpeded path to victory?
Four Reasons why Chess is unsolvable
Value of the King–Castling–Pawn Promotion–En Passant
White vs. Black
One source of power for a pawn lies precisely in its low value–Pawn Fork.
This audio essay reintroduces the operative inquiry behind the arguments and themes, concepts and flights of fancy in the six written essays I have posted to date on my website Ghosts of Anti-Fascism Past, hosted at Antifa.live.com. There is a method behind the madness.
The subject of my inquiry can be captured in the phrase ‘Anti-Fascism and Socialist Strategy’. It can in turn be divided into three questions: What is fascism? What is anti-fascism? How does socialist strategy weigh in our answers?
The Three-wheeled Stair Climber.
Theory is important.
Political thickets within political traditions.
The central contradiction at the heart of contemporary anti-fascism is here, in the inadequacy of both the liberal and socialist traditions to theorize the relationship between fascism and capitalism.
Progressives generally fight fascism, even if they misunderstand it. Many socialists have the tools with which to better understand it, but refuse to fight it. This has been the situation for close to a decade.
Neo-fascism is not an epiphenomenon of capitalism, but a constituent component of it.
Both traditions fail to grasp parallel developments underway since 2010 in culture and ideology, on the one hand, and political economy on the other. These developments I outline in the essay GOT Und Uber.
Laundry Lists–Umberto Eco’s ‘Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways Of Looking At A Blackshirt”
The short-lived ‘scholars consensus’ on fascism.
(Post)Modernism and progress are not incompatible with neo-fascism.
The liberal fight against fascism is always limited to resistance, never rebellion, much less Revolution.
A bastardized popular front.
Liberals will form alliances with fascists when there is the possibility of displacing an ‘authoritarian’ menace–of the right or left–because they are incapable of recognizing the authoritarianism and domination at the center of their own political philosophy and practice.
‘Patrician Socialist’ explanations of fascism–Jacobin Magazine and Blog, New Left Review, The Socialist Register, and Louis Proyect’s work as the Unrepentant Marxist. Most adept at demolishing liberal and progressive approaches to fighting fascism that throw workers under the bus or engage in election time histrionics. They generally do not believe fascism in the 21st century exists, only ‘right wing populism’ as an expression of capitalist rule. If fascism doesn’t exist as a discrete political movement, much less a dangerous and growing political movement, then to fight it is essentially shadow boxing, a theater of the absurd designed to mobilize workers and the ‘petit-bourgeiosie’ to support the lesser evilism of democrats at election time; a cynical anti-fascism that amounts to the anti-fascism of fools.
The touchstone document of this perspective within socialist thought is Bhaskar Sunkara’s 2011 article “A Thousand Platitudes: Liberal Hysteria and the Tea Party.” Seven years after its first appearance “A Thousand Platitudes…” remains the dominant editorial line of Jacobin Magazine and Blog and the most articulate expression of that political line to date.
Tensions within the Left.
Stathis Kouvalakis’s article “Borderland” in New Left Review (no. 110, March/April 2018) lays out what I call the “political geography of white nationalism” that lies at the heart of the European Project. From this we can begin to theorize a relationship between neo-fascism and capitalist institutions and structures. Contrast this article with “The Return of the Repressed”, in the same journal (no. 104, March/April, 2017) by the sociologist Wolfgang Streeck. The passage that is emblematic of a head-up-the-ass understanding of 21st Century neo-fascism is the following:
“Domestic conflicts are also foreseeable where cultural symbols are concerned. Will enhanced ‘populist’ appreciation of the natives require a devaluation of immigrants in the broadest sense? And can the left succeed in paying a credible cultural tribute to those lately woken from their apathy?”
While I applaud Streeck’s pillorying of the “bourgeoisified left”, the split within Die Linke over ‘immigration’ that he apparently supports is anathema to anti-fascists and socialists alike. It also flows directly from the word salad in the quote above, if anything could be said to flow from it. Streeck argues that this same globalist left wants (white) workers to genuflect to neoliberal ‘open border’ policies, effectively giving up their jobs to ‘immigrants’. How then does he explain the racist thrust of Brexit in the absence of credible threats to the jobs of those workers? Or the fact that the ‘surge’ in refugees from war afflicted countries in the Global South took place three years ago, but Chemnitz last week? I cannot reconcile these two articles, so different are they from one another. But where is the tension noted? Where is the argument between the two, and a resolution? Nowhere, because it is unacknowledged.
Consider the differences between the Greek fight for Oxi and against the Troika compared to Brexit. If, like Louis Proyect, you insist on a “unit of analysis” that is class, and apparently only class, you cannot possibly explain how racist anti-immigrant policies in England drove the debate over Bexit without an influx of refugees ‘to cause’ the fear and be exploited by elites. Go ahead, look at the comparative paltry number of refugees entering England at the time of Brexit. On the other hand anti-Brexit forces, far from wielding a bomb such as that of Oxi (defused by the Patrician socialist Tsipras) found themselves forced to uphold the EUs cynical ‘open borders’ alternative, itself a construct that incorporates the political geography of white nationalism within it. What a fucking miserable situation. Something else is needed–from the left and below.