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Ghosts of Anti-Fascism Past

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Ghosts of Anti-Fascism Past

Tag Archives: Tony Kushner

When Ghosts Dream Of Angels—Part One

13 Tuesday Mar 2018

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay, Memoir

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Angels in America, Angelus Novus, anti-fascism, Elon Musk, fascism, Michael Lowy, On the Concept of History, Paul Klee, Perry Anderson, Peter Thiel, Rachel Maddow, Roy Cohn, Tony Kushner, Walter Benjamin

 

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As a ghost sent from the past into your world my presence involves no small amount of incivility. So much clanging about and reckless rage, while confined to dark digital outposts, still demands an audience, someone to haunt. In any case, it has never been your world, or our world, always their world. We were just thrust into it, and told to make our way, however difficult. So if my desperate whispers fall on your ears as so many dark forebodings, they also contain within them the possibility of another future.

Can a ghost dream? If so, what kind of dream would a ghost dream? It would be a dream filled with longing and regret, to be sure, but also, free from the past, a dream of reckless abandon, an imagination allowed to run riot. It is a dream that cries for a future free from an insufferable past and an intolerable present.

In this, the dream I dream is not unlike that cool and sardonic description of heaven as told by the character Belize to a fictionalized Roy Cohn in Tony Kushner’s Angels in America: A Gay Fantasia on National Themes. Twenty-five years after its first production the play is experiencing a welcome revival, no doubt because of scenes like this one:

 

 

I’ve taken the liberty to transcribe HBO’s version of Kushner’s play. Please pardon in advance my light editing and any errors.

Belize: “You awake? Can you see who I am?”

Roy Cohn: “Yeah. You came for my momma years ago. Wrap your arms around me now…”

Belize: “Who am I, Roy?”

Roy Cohn: (laughs) “The negro night nurse. My negation. Come to escort me to the underworld…”

Belize: “You want me Roy? You want me to take you away?”

Roy Cohn: “Oh, God I’m ready.”

Belize: “I’ll be coming for you soon. Everything I want is in the end of you.”

Roy Cohn:  “What’s it like after…this misery ends?”

Belize: “Hell or Heaven?”

Roy Cohn: He….(Roy trails off)

Belize: “Like San Francisco.”

Roy Cohn: “A City! Good. I was worried it would be a garden. I hate that shit.”

Belize: “Hmm. Big City. Overgrown with weeds, but flowering weeds. On every corner a wrecking crew and something new and crooked going up catacorner to that. Windows missing in every edifice, like broken teeth. Gritty wind and a gray high sky full of ravens.

Roy Cohn: “Isaiah.”

Belize: “The prophet birds, Roy. Piles of trash, but lapidary, like rubies and obsidion, and diamond colored cowspit streamers in the wind. And voting booths. And everyone in Balenciaga gowns with red corsages and big dance palaces full of music, lights and racial impurity and gender confusion. And all the deities are creole, mulatto. Brown as the mouths of rivers. Race, taste and history finally overcome. And you ain’t there. ”

Roy Cohn: “And heaven?”

Belize: “That was heaven, Roy.”

Indeed. Yet as Kushner has acknowledged, many years after publishing Angels, that future is not here, in San Francisco or anywhere else. Besides, even our most beautiful rebels, like Belize, are still, at best, changing the bedpans of the Roy Cohns of the world, rather than topping off that dose of morphine. Heaven must be conquered, brought into being, rather than received as a gift, upon surrender.

In order to dream a future at odds with the only one our present has on offer (the doctrine of TINA) one must identify who and what stand in the way of the realization of that future–one has to theorize an enemy, then a way to defeat that enemy. Kushner’s character Belize does this, and yet seems a bit too secure (smug even) in the notion that his heaven is the future.

Part of the problem, I think, is that smugness exhibited by Belize, so often on display by today’s liberals (think Rachel Maddow) and not a few historical materialists (Perry Anderson), reflects a belief that history is a necessary evolution, a slow but certain unfolding of ‘progress’, an arc always ‘bending’ towards justice. It is not. It just moves, hither and yon, not backwards or forwards. Where it moves and the quality of that movement is at least in part up to us. We may not make it move within conditions of our choosing, but move it we must.

Dreaming is a precondition for liberation; an essential rupture with ‘what is’, a reimagining of what is possible and and a fierce interrogation of ‘progress’. It is also essential for an effective anti-fascism.

In 1940, in the midst of a world-wide fascist explosion, just prior his suicide, Walter Benjamin said as much. From Benjamin’s On the Concept of History, Thesis Nine:

“There is a painting by [Paul] Klee called Angelus Novus. An angel is depicted there who looks as though he were about to distance himself from something which he is staring at. His eyes are opened wide, his mouth stands open and his wings are outstretched. The Angel of History must look just so. His face is turned towards the past. Where we see the appearance of a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe, which unceasingly piles rubble on top of rubble and hurls it before his feet. He would like to pause for a moment to awaken the dead and to piece together what has been smashed. But a storm is blowing from Paradise, it has caught itself up in his wings and is so strong that the Angel can no longer close them. The storm drives him irresistibly into the future, to which his back is turned, while the rubble-heap before him grows sky-high. That which we call progress, is this storm.”

All of our 21st century gizmos and widgets, all that seamless connectivity and disruptive productivity brought on by our gigantic mega corporations are entirely compatible with a neo-fascism now only in its pre-pubescent stage. Fascism is not the reemergence of some ancient bigotry from prehistory, it is one possible future asserting itself, and in this assertion another form of capitalism is being constituted. Behind the progress of Peter Thiel and Elon Musk is a craven figure who cringes and obeys for a piece of chocolate. That figure is us, unless we discover a way to bring about a rupture with that ‘progress’.

In an article on Benjamin’s eclectic anarcho-communism in Jacobin  (“The Young Benjamin”, Jacobin Blog, January 8, 2016)  Michael Löwy locates the failure to apprehend fascism within the evolutionary socialist tradition represented by the philosopher Jürgen Habermas. Löwy writes:

“An evolutionist conception of history, which believes in the necessary progress in the forms of domination, can hardly give an account of fascism — except as an unexplainable parenthesis, an incomprehensible regression ‘in the middle of the 20th Century.’ Now, as Benjamin wrote in his Theses, one cannot understand the meaning of fascism if one considers it just an exception to the historical norm which would be progress.”

Lowy notes that “Benjamin understood the 20th century as one of barbarism and modernity — an interconnection which would take, a few years after his death, the catastrophic figure of Auschwitz and Hiroshima.”

War is coming; and with it the soil within which fascism grows is fertilized.

END

 

 

 

 

 

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Aside

Shaming a Klansman: A Review of the Film 300

11 Tuesday Jun 2013

Posted by Jonathan Mozzochi in Essay

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David Denby, Frank Miller, George W. Bush, Leonidas I, Mick LaSalle, Sin City, Spartan, Tony Kushner, United States, Xerxes

Written circa 2007 [Re-edited June 2013]

If right-wingers deluded with dreams of global empire can’t win their endless War Against Terror in the actual world, they can be consoled through victory on the silver screen. Adapted from a Frank Miller graphic novel, 300 is an epic clash of civilizations blood bath set during the 480 BC Battle of Thermopylae, (Greece) where a group of 300 or so Spartans battle a much larger army of the Persian Empire; although they lose the battle, they win the war for God and Country.

The film traffics in such bigoted stereotypes as to shame a Klansman.

Our hero, King Leonidas, must protect his family as the Eternal Aryan Father, forever and everywhere at war against swarthy enemies above and below, outside and in. The antagonist, the Persian King, Xerxes, with his modern piercings and tattoos comes off as a swarthy, southern gender bending Other. A childlike hunchback volunteers to fight beside Leonidas, but is rejected by the Nietzschean warrior. The hunchback suggests a backstabbing internal (Jewish?) enemy.  A scheming member of the Senate blackmails the hero’s wife into copulation so as to sabotage the heroic defense of the Fatherland–a feckless politician in need of a Coup d’etat if there ever was one.

It is the only War Against Terror anyone will ever win.

As if directly out of a propaganda film from World War II, all Persians in this film are depicted as sub-human monsters. So completely is the “other” rendered different that it is difficult to conceive of the them as human. The Spartans are all-to-human–scrubbed and clipped, clean and bright, and democratic. While I understand this exaggeration to be a staple device of cinematic fiction—this movie drenches moviegoers in enough blood to blot out the sun–real political ramifications come into play. Consider the broader geo-political context where nuclear option scenarios are planned for Iran by the Pentagon and the ongoing carnage in Iraq.

The swarthy hordes are death riders with mystical powers as out of a Lord of the Rings movie and Xerxes stands about 9 feet tall, his soldiers often hideously deformed. His entire army has only the most tangential connection to homo sapiens. Just when you are about to argue that this exaggeration for effect helps distance the moviegoer from identifying these Persians as actually existing Iranians and thereby completing the circle of bigotry, the film does just that: the Warrior King describes his fight as against “Asian hordes,” and “mysticism and the East” (or was it “Orient?”), leaving little room for ambiguity.

I have to ask, jokingly: Was Samuel Huntington an adviser for this film?

After Leonidas rejects the hunchback’s offer of service, Xerxes entices the hunchback with flesh pots so as to discover a Spartan military weakness. In a clever twist, this rejection of the hunchback will come back to haunt Leonidas–illustrating the Achilles’ heel of the Spartans: Their pride and purity is both their strength and their undoing. But this is largely lost on an American audience enthralled with the spectacle, and besides, we know who eventually wins this battle.

Sex in the Spartan camp is shown once, between husband and wife, in the one scene of soft glowing light, ensconced within the loving romantic embrace of a nuclear family. Sex for Spartans is all love, God and Country. Sex among the others is lust, death, and betrayal.

Protagonists are Aryanized and the evil others black, deformed and monstrous.

David Denby of The New Yorker (April 2 2007, “Men Gone Wild”) describes 300 as a “porno-military curiosity—a muscle-magazine fantasy crossed with a video game and an Army recruiting film” and elsewhere, the product “of a culture slowly and painfully going mad.”

While Denby gets much right about what is so wrong with this film, he doesn’t get how race is crucial to the development of a fascist worldview–how in American popular culture the swarthy hordes are simultaneously black, Arab(?!), Iraqi, gay and Jewish. This “other” can only be completed by an opposite “us.”

Much has been made of the Spartan men in tights in this film, as if ham-handed homoeroticism gives the film a camp quality and inures it to serious criticism. But this film wallows with pleasure in the extermination of gays. I think Mick LaSalle in his review of 300 (San Francisco Chronicle, March 9, 2007) misunderstands the bonds that form between men when they commit mass murder, an essential element to all fascist men of action since Mussolini’s Black Shirts in the 1920s. To add insult to injury, LaSalle doesn’t even suss out how the Spartans so clearly represent an idealized American Heartland and the Persians a dusky, Sodom and Gomorrah.

I mean, you missed that? What the fuck were you watching?

The transmogrification of the Other in 300 suggests a fear of multiracial, pluralistic, urban America.

Having allowed the creators of this film their day in the court of aesthetic opinion we can now render judgment: 300 is a film that shamelessly traffics in fascist aesthetics and values. It thereby joins D.W. Griffith’s Birth of a Nation as a place marker delineating an American popular culture in the throes of yet another inept, murderous and unjust war abroad, and a casino economy propping up a corrupt political elite at home.

Compare 300 to the other cinematic adaptation of a Frank Miller graphic novel, Sin City. Here corrupt Catholics,  a depraved serial killer and dirty cops are opposed by—get this—virtuous prostitutes and classic noir anti-heroes. If Sin City embraces a culturally progressive, if somewhat ambivalent, multi-racial urban populism, 300 gets down with the extermination. 300 smacks Quentin Tarentino’s hip, hyper violent moral relativism around like a rag doll, politicizing what had thus far been relatively apolitical. In this respect 300 breaks new ground

I’m going to pick on Mick LaSalle again. Elsewhere, in a response to a letter to the editor taking him to task for a movie review of 300 not suited for CNN Student News, LaSalle manages to miss everything noteworthy and instead, through a Herculean contortion of logic, actually argues (kind of half-assed, a bit self-consciously as though he is dimly aware he’s full of shit) that Xerxes could be said to represent George W. Bush and Leonidas the oppressed Middle Easterners.

Wow. I must admit, I hadn’t thought of that.

300 unintentionally suggests the real roots of so-called “Western” democracies are in the ashes of a society so militaristic and devoid of pity as to ritually dispose of new born babies by tossing them into pits. Now there might be an interesting parallel to be made here between ritual sacrifice and the ideology of the War Against Terror–after all, 300 does consecrate the still birth of democracy in a frenzy of bloodletting. More to the point, it is obviously not the intention of the film-maker. One needs to watch this film in a movie theater with a mess of middle Americans to get the full xenophobic, misogynist slobbering it inspires. After all, in America, with infotainment reining supreme, it’s not really the opinions of Denby, LaSalle or, much less, my own that make a difference. It’s the fourteen-year-old with a historically unparalleled power to influence commerce who increasingly determines the meaning of culture.

Contemporary political reality raises the question of artistic values and responsibility: If Iran is invaded in the near future, should the creators of this film be subjected to war crimes prosecution?

Yeah, dude.

I am reminded of that stirring scene in the film version of Tony Kushner’s play Angels in America where Al Pacino, playing Roy Cohn, hears a dark, yet beautiful poetic ode to gay San Francisco that he takes for a description of Hell, only to be told by his interlocutor that it is a vision of Heaven. The irreducible gulf here is between the values of empire and domination and those of pluralism and multiculturalism; this conflict is not fundamentally about East vs West.

300 also brings to mind my experience in the early 1990s in Portland, Oregon viewing the film Patty Rocks. The movie was difficult to watch, but some (male) members of the audience made it more so—their reactions to what can only be described as cringe inducing, excruciatingly sexist scenes were despicable. They were laughing when I was appalled; their crass merriment coming at the expense of another’s suffering. The irony and schadenfreude that are revealed at the end of this film were completely lost on these moviegoers.

I cannot recall a film so utterly opposite my political and aesthetic sensibilities as that of 300.

Jonathan Mozzochi

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